UNMIK and KFOR Prepare for Kosovo Violence, as Shoot-to-Kill Policy Resumes
It's shoot-to-kill time for NATO in Kosovo as tensions heat up.
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It's shoot-to-kill time for NATO in Kosovo as tensions heat up.
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A leaked police document created by the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) police force states that a recent house search turned up al Qaeda-related materials.
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The UN's police chief in Kosovo receives death threats- the mafia, it seems, is alive and well.
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Calls for a Kosovo army have always been predicated on the notion that a small, orderly military force under NATO’s training would provide a professional alternative to the shadowy paramilitaries that have roamed Kosovo under different acronyms over the past decade. They all, however, have a common source (the Kosovo Liberation Army which fought the Serbs from 1997-1999). Now, the Great Powers want to make the TMK civil defense force into Kosovo's future army.
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This article discusses the Albanian militant stand-off in the Skpje-area village of Kondovo in light of the conflict's religious aspect: the Saudi-funded medresah operating there, and the possible vindication of decade-old warnings from the opposition that if left unchecked, such centers of Islam could turn into a magnet for terrorists.
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Principalul obiectiv al acestui studiu ţine de evidenţierea şi analiza problematicii violenţei asupra femeii în cadrul familiei, în diversele contexte istorico-sociale. Astfel, „celula de bază a societății”, aşa cum se mai numeşte familia, este analizată din perspectiva procesului de modernizare a societăţii şi emancipare a femeii. Este vorba de multiple schimbări în interiorul familiei în ceea ce priveşte socializarea primară în funcţie de gen, precum şi mentalităţile privind rolul femeii şi al bărbatului în intimitatea familiei. Din perspectiva socioistorică, violenţa în familie a constituit un fapt încă din cele mai vechi timpuri, însă în prezent s-a ajuns la construirea unor servicii specializate în scopul prevenirii şi combaterii acesteia. Societatea românească a parcurs un drum lung de la monarhie la comunism, postcomunism şi tranziţia la democrație și economia de piață, fapt reflectat cu certitudine în diversele instituţii ale statului, cât şi în revoluţionarea perspectivelor individuale.
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ln managing and resolving international conflicts there are a great many theoretical approaches. As these conflicts are complex processes with many factors concerned, different approaches are often used in their analyses. One of the more recent theoretical models is Ronald Flsher's and Loraleigh Keashly's contingency and complementarity model. They analyze the conflict and its resolution through its structural and political features, on the one hand, and psychological content, on the other, at the same time also using complementary methodologies. This theoretical model initially analyzes the nature of the conflict itself, differentiates four phases of conflict, each of which has certain characteristics and a time sequence of involvement and mediation of a third party in the conflict. A critical observation of this model would primarily referto its non-flexibility, Le. its prediction of specific types of involvement in specific phases of the conflict, offering thus a rigid recipe for resolving the conflict, which could not stand the test of critical verification in practice. Secondly, the assumption that the conflicting parties are autonomous and unique factors often has no foundation in practice: and finally, this model would be difficult to apply to a regional conflict, such as the conflict in Croatia.
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ln Orthodox creed there is a very strong aspiration to reduce every theological discourse to a spiritual one, so it is reasonable to approach such a demanding topic about the relationship between the Orthodox religion and war with the spiritual discourse which represents an expression of an unique, personal, spiritual experience. In latest "Holy Father" literature, which is the basis of the orthodox spirituality, there is no topic on war and violence because they represent the complete contrast to the spiritual way. However, we can see where the compromises with the political power can lead us if we go back to the example of Origenus and especially Lactantius.
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The subject of the article is the analysis of deconstruction of the statehood of Ukraine with special reference to the conflict in Donbas. Activities in the south-eastern part of Ukraine are part of the broader context of the Russian Federation’s strategic activities in the post-Soviet area. Some analysts believe that the Russians consistently implement the strategy of neo-imperial expansionism and their activities in Donbas are the next step to the reintegration of the post-Soviet area. An important role is also played by the policy implemented by the president and government of Ukraine. The author verifies three research hypotheses: (1) that the chief objectives of Russian politics are to destabilize the situation in Ukraine. (2) that Donbas conflict is an example of the use of hybrid war elements such as irregular military operations (guerrilla warfare, sabotage, subversive activities, terrorist acts) and elements of information fight, such as propaganda or disinformation, be it economic or digital. (3) that the non-military methods of propaganda are helping to create a proper propaganda apparatus and the activation of “agitators” who would do “the fieldwork” involving the exposure of the most attractive aspects of “Russianness”.
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This article is an attempt to analyze the key contradictions between humanistic and pragmatic orientations in the modern space of higher education. The authors use a philosophical approach to understanding the value of knowledge as a powerful tool for social and economic development. It has been proved that politicians and teachers play almost the same role in overcoming global poverty and violence. Instead of theorizing about humanistic ideals, they should direct the ideas of humanism in a practical way - through the training of students and the creation of a favourable climate for the life of citizens. The ideas of democracy and human respect must also go beyond the audience and be implemented in the practical dimensions of society. Science in universities must be subordinated to humanistic values, just as philosophy was subordinated to Theology in the Middle ages. While most universities are trying to mobilize efforts to increase economic performance, it is necessary to work on the development of intellectual capital in society. In addition, it is important for policymakers to understand the difference between the training of a competitive specialist and the education of a harmonious personality in the context of the formation of a higher education strategy. These processes must occur synchronously and not contradict each other. That is why the study of philosophy or cultural studies is no less important than the study of mathematics and physics. In addition, the language of the world is defined not only as a certain lexical set that a person can possess, but also rather as a set of inherent knowledge and values that a person constantly implements in relationships with other people.
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The central issue analyzed in the paper is to investigate the changes in the role of the German Federal Armed Forces (Bundeswehr) after the major political changes that followed the end of the Cold War in general and, in particular, from the changes in foreign and security policies in Germany and Europę. In order to do so, we start tracing the essential historie developments, the resulting political discourses, and the normative shifts in Germany’s political culture Subsequently, the paper takes a closer empirical look at the gradual broadening and enlargement of German military deployments as well as political debates and concrete moves to transform the Federal Armed Forces from an “army of defense” into an “army in the field”. At the same time, these changes are referred to the United States’ world policy and ambitions to establish a coherent and effective common foreign and security policy growing within the European Union. As to the role of Germany’s armed forces, it is shown that a dynamic revaluation and upgrading had been initiated long before the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington on September 11,2001, within both the Transatlantic and European contexts. Finally, the paper evaluates the functionality and efficiency of the redefmed role of German armed forces against current global restructuring.
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This article analyses community participation in peace-building in the Mt Elgon area between 2007 and 2017. The article assesses the use of indigenous methods of conflict resolution embedded in restorative practices, as well as seeking to establish the role that Mount Elgon’s Residents Association (MERA) played in peace-building. The study adopts the theoretical work of Johan Galtung’s conflict analysis model and John Paul Lederach’s conflict transformation work on peace-building. The study reveals a yawning need for younger community members to be more involved in peace-building activities in the Mt Elgon area. It further reveals that community members aged between 35 and 54 years strongly believe that their traditional culture and indigenous practices are central to their peace-building efforts in their locality. The study found a majority of community members felt that their involvement has played an important role in disarming local militia groups and in peace-building. Overall, the community strongly pointed at land and “dirty politics” as issues being at the forefront of community conflict in Mt. Elgon.
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Over the past almost 30 years UN peacekeeping operations have been consistently tainted by widespread reports of sexual assault, abuse and exploitation committed by peacekeepers. The fact that these peacekeepers, who are seen as a symbol of hope for so many in need around the world, could be further victimizing those they are intended to protect and help is a horrible situation to imagine not to mention live the reality of. This epidemic is exacerbated by the lack of ability on the part of the UN to put an end to these types of abuses. We will examine for the purposes of this paper the history of abuse and violations on UN peacekeeping missions, the measures taken by the UN to address the problem, outside suggestions for solutions, and finally address my personal views on how these issues can be solved in the long term.
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The occupation of Crimea determined the Crimean Tatars to react with obvious and clear-cut response: condemning the Russian aggression against the Ukrainian territorial integrity. This paper aims to analyze the post-2014 Crimean hybrid conflict situation of the Crimean Tatars, by investigating how the Crimean Tatars conditions have evolved under the Russian invasion forces for the last five years. In order to understand the post-2014 situation, the paper also focuses and examines the forced deportation (Sürgün or the Soviet Genocide), as well as Turkey's foreign policy reactions toward this regional conflict. Civil disobedience and nonviolent strategy of the Crimean Tatars have been used to pressure the Russian public opinion and political elites regarding the unlawful and unfair act toward the Ukrainian and Crimean sovereignty. In addition, the Crimean Tatars have voiced their concerns and demands in the international political arenas. Overall, the paper focuses on the repercussions of the Crimean crisis from political, psycho-social and international perspectives.
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Ширење тезе из Сједињених Америчких Држава о „кинеској претњи” на европски континент поклопило се с јачањем незадовољства код држава чланица Европске уније по питању третмана које европске компаније имају на кинеском тржишту. Резултат тога била је промена позитивне перцепције које су државе ЕУ имале према НР Кини, захваљујући издашним кинеским новчаним средствима пласираним кроз инвестиције и помоћ у оквиру иницијативе „Један појас, један пут”, у негативну перцепцију која је свој излаз нашла у промени европских политика и увођењу различитих врста заштитних мера када је у питању улазак кинеских директних инвестиција на европско тржиште. У овом чланку аутор се бави истраживањем различитих перцепција које су се формирале о НР Кини унутар ЕУ, факторима који су утицали на промену перцепције држава ЕУ према НР Кини и последицама које су оне имале на динамику развоја различитих политика на нивоу ЕУ. Да би доказала основну хипотезу да Брисел, за разлику од САД, ипак показује одређену прагматичност тиме што ће измене политика бити довољно умерене да ЕУ може да остане верна принципима отвореног тржишта, док спречава да се ти исти принципи претворе у стратешку рањивост, аутор ће током истраживања користити структурно-функционалну анализу, индукцију и дедукцију.
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The 26 years of civil war in Sri Lanka had left destructive outcomes in the spheres of physical, economic as well as the social sectors of the country. Among them millions of land mines buried in former war zones is one of the biggest issue, because it could cause land mine accidents to the civilians. Therefore, it is an urgent task to implement a proper de-mining programme before resettling the Internally Displaced Persons (IDP). The aim of this paper is to look for the government initiatives on demining in the areas affected by the wars waged in the years 2009-2015. The pri- mary data was collected from the interviews of resettled people in de-mining areas and other related officers who involved in resettling displaced persons. The secondary data was collected from the published reports by the related authorities. The government could successfully implement the demining programme with help of the Sri Lankan Army and other non-governmental organizations by covering 95% of the hazardous areas. A successful de-mining programme had facilitated the resettling of displaced persons while other economic initiatives had been set in motion in the former war zones.
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