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Knjiga „Medijska priprema rata u Hrvatskoj“ predstavlja deo kontinuiranog nastojanja Helsinškog odbora za ljudska prava u Srbiji da dokumentuje stvarne uzroke raspada Jugoslavije. Materijali i dokumenti sakupljeni u ovoj knjizi doprinose razumevanje političkog i društvenog konteksta koji je prethodio ratu. Zbog toga ovo izdanje Helsinškog odbora spada u korpus nezaobilaznih izvora za istraživače koji se bave aktuelnom istorijom balkanskog regiona. Presudom “Vukovarskoj trojci”, a pre toga presudom za Dubrovnik, te onoj Milanu Martiću, hrvatski rat je dobio i svoj sudski epilog. Posebna optužnica protiv Slobodana Miloševića podignuta 17. septembra 2002. godine i to za učestvovanje u udruženom zločinačkom poduhvatu, koji je “nastao pre 1. avgusta 1991, a trajao je najmanje do juna 1992”, nažalost, nije dobila svoj sudski epilog.
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This book employs various theories of contemporary security studies to explore some of the most important and most common security issues in Central Europe at this time. Individual chapters of the book adhere mainly to European branches of critical and constructivist security studies,through which they look at some of the salient topics of Central European security politics. The distinction between internal and external security issues is employed throughout the book for analytical purposes. Under this framework, alliance building, security guarantees, “special relationships,” the relational politics of identity, and relations with major powers – documented in the book on the case of Latvia’s relations with United States – are examples of external security issues. Various pressing domestic security challenges, illustrated on the case of Hungarian far-right movements and their activities towards the Roma minority, are examples of internal security issues.
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Did the Cold War, or rather the end of it, represent any kind of fundamental milestone in armed conflicts? Answering this question became the central research focus of a project undertaken by a group of specialists from the Department of International Relations and European Studies at the Faculty of Social Studies of Masaryk University as part of the grant funded project “Armed Conflicts in International Relations after the end of the Cold War”. The project was supported by the Grant Agency of the Czech Republic. To a certain extent the team of authors attempted to summarize the research that has so far been conducted in this field and to present a more complex picture of the kind of changes that have actually occurred within armed conflicts over the last two decades and what the reasons for and consequences of these changes are. What is certain is that the end of the Cold War did not put an end to armed conflicts as such. On the contrary, latent tension which manifested itself through fractional armed conflicts, mostly on the periphery, had many more opportunities to develop after 1990 and grew into conflicts which a number of powers became involved in. Europe – the continent in which the Iron Curtain was located, but which had been spared open armed conflict throughout the entire duration of the Cold War – in the early nineties was to witness the most extensive violence to have occurred there since the end of World War II.
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The following conclusions may be drawn from the analysis of cases in which NATO, as a security alliance of democratic states, proactively engaged in armed conflict through the use of military force, and in which its policies sparked controversy with regard to perceptions of international law. The Alliance employs military force in situations where an extensive humanitarian disaster is ongoing, impending, or anticipated, and where the international community exhibits strong expectations that NATO should address the escalating crisis. Both of the examined cases involved humanitarian disaster; however, both crises proved less severe than anticipated by the international community at the time of NATO’s military engagement.
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Kosovo issue represents a comprehensive complex of problems and issues, ensuing from troubles involving the coexistence of provincial Albanian majority and Serbian minority, residing at small common territory situated in the middle of Balkans. The submitted monograph describing the Kosovo issue covers the entire 20th century. Wherever it may be necessary, we strive to disclose deeper roots of some phenomena, or in cases, where an interpretation of certain development trends may remain unclear without elucidating their historical past. It specifies trials of Yugoslavian establishment to resolve “Albanian issue” in interwar royal Yugoslavia and during WW II. Commonalty of the publication then analyses genesis, development, and functioning of Kosovo autonomy in communist Yugoslavia since 1945 to 1990. Reflections of these events were given based on detailed studying of archival resources.
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Contemporary security development is characterized by growing interdependence of security phenomena at local, national, regional and global level (Kegley, Wittkopf 2006). Within the world regions regional security complexes with their regional security orders were established (Stewart-Ingersoll, Frazier: 2012). The so called “new definition”of the regional security complex is related to „a set of units whose major processes of securitization, desecuritization or both are so interlinked that their security problems cannot reasonably be analyzed or resolved apart from one another“ (Buzan, Waever, de Wilde 1997: 201)“.
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Seit der Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands im Jahr 1990 und den fundamentalen Veränderungen der internationalen Sicherheitslage führen die sicherheitspolitischen Kreise, die politischen Eliten und die Öffentlichkeitin Deutschland umfangreiche Diskussionen über die neue Rolle des Landes in der heutigen Welt. Die Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik des vereinten Deutschlands ist auch ein häufiges Forschungsthema. Die Fachdebatte über die deutsche außenpolitische Orientierung wird von den Befürwortern der These von der Kontinuität deutschen Verhaltens und den Unterstützern der These von einer fundamentalen Veränderung, zu welcher es nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges und der Wiedervereinigung kommen sollte, bestimmt.
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Studies on armed conflicts are among the traditional themes of international relations. Neither the theoretical, nor the practical importanceof this issue is declining in any way. It is an extremely complex research field, integrating a plethora of findings from international relations, social sciences, as well as natural sciences. The complexity of the issue exacts a plurality of theoretical and methodological approaches in examining the phenomenon of wars. Consolidating obtained findings into a homogenous and coherent framework can, however, be even more demanding. This work represents a contribution to ongoing academic discussion in all major areas currently relevant to armed conflict research while identifying the main issues of academic debate and analyzing their shared features.
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The book describes the modern history of Vietnam from the 16th century till the present time. It covers the development of Vietnamese statehood before the colonial era and under the dynasties Lê, Mạc, and under the influential families of Trịnh and Nguyễn. After the Tây Sơn unification, the rule was returned back to the hands of Nguyễns with the help of French advisers. Later, the French took over the power in the war with China. Their colonial rule was not satisfactory for Vietnamese and it stimulated local nationalism. The war with the Western countries in the second half of the 20th century led to partial and formal friendship with its allies (China and the Soviet Union). Post-war modernization, own political authority, and renewed Confucian values are the main features of the recent development.
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‘Russia has complete control over the media.’ Taken out of context, this quote confirms the hypothesis that this research was launched with: Russian influence is present in the Western Balkans media space. Previous research conducted by the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence has identified existing weaknesses within Western Balkan (WB) societies which enable hostile influence in diverse areas including the media space. The report ‘Russia’s strategic interests and tools of influence in the Western Balkans’ examines Russia’s influence toolbox and claims that local media has been spreading pro-Russian content, and another study ‘Russia’s narratives toward the Western Balkans: Analysis of Sputnik Srbija ’identifies the content that Sputnik Srbija –the most popular Kremlin-affiliated media in the Western Balkans – fuels the online space with.
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Ayhan Aktar has been working on anti-minority policies in modern Turkey since 1991. In the Ottoman Empire’s final decade (in 1906), non-Muslims constituted 20% of the population; by 1927, they were reduced to 2.5% and, nowadays, they make up less than 0.02% of the population of Modern Turkey. Armenians were subjected to deportations (1915), Greeks were ‘exchanged’ (1922–1924) and Jews were forced to migrate abroad (after 1945). Like many other nation-states in the Near East, Turkey has been able to homogenize its population on religious grounds. This book is a collection of Aktar's articles about this transformation.Aktar criticises nationalist historiographies and argues "For instance, a scholar conducting research on the Jewish community during the republican period could easily come to the conclusion that only Jews were discriminated against by the Turkish state. However, this is only partially true! All non-Muslim minorities were discriminated against and their stories cannot be understood unless the Turkish state and its policies are placed at centre stage. Utilizing diplomatic correspondence in the British and US National Archives has enabled me to understand anti-minority policies as a whole and to treat the subject within a totality."This book will interest scholars and students of nationalism, minority studies and Turkish history and politics.
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This book presents reports from the International Conference of the European Studies Department, Faculty of Philosophy at Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”. The conference was organized in May 2014 with the support by Hanns Seidel Foundation and it was dedicated to the 15th anniversary of the European Studies Department at Sofia University. The first panel is focused on the conference’s main topic: the EU being at a crossroad. The second part is analysing the processes of enlarging the EU, association perspectives and neighbourhood policy. The last panel reviews the contemporary standards and quality of European studies teaching process at the universities.
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Turkey’s Neo-Ottomanist Moment, A Eurasianist Odyssey, is the most comprehensive account to date of the transformation of Turkey’s foreign policy related to its regime change. With first-hand knowledge, Cengiz Çandar tells the story of the emergence of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s revisionist Turkey in global affairs. References from almost 90 different names from around 20 countries, he also reflects how the international expertise on Turkey viewed Turkey.
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Naučni odbor je pripremio autorske referate za učesnike Okruglog stola “75. Godišnjica Trećeg zasjedanja ZAVNOBiH-a: uloga Trećeg zasjedanja ZAVNOBiH-a u društvenom i političkom razvoju Bosne i Hercegovine” za štampu. Program Okruglog stola sastojao se od uvodnih obraćanja i 14 referata. Redoslijed radova u ovom zborniku u najvećoj mjeri slijedi redoslijed izlaganja referata pripremljenih za Okrugli sto, koji se trebao održati krajem 2020. godine, međutim zbog nezahvalne epidemiološke situacije izazvane virusom COVID-19, nije bilo mogućnosti njegovo održavanje. Akademik Ivo Cvitković je naglasio da većina pripadnika pokreta nisu bili komunisti, ali su oni bili organizatori antifašističke borbe. Postavio je sljedeća pitanja: za šta se borio NOP, politika NOF-e; uvođenje zvanja vjerskog referenta, primjeri odnosa narodnooslobodilačkog pokreta prema slobodi religije, sloboda vjeronauke i osnivanje “vjerske komisije”? Posebnu pažnju je posvetio religiji i crkvi na Trećem zasjedanju ZAVNOBiH-a i pitanjima: vjerski službenici, diskusije u kojima se kritički osvrtalo na religiju i religijske zajednice, biranje sveštenika u ZAVNOBiH, gdje je pošlo “ukrivo”, zašto je došlo do promjena odnosa prema religiji i crkvi i začeci netrpeljivosti?
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Periodično sagledavanje historiografske produkcije u Bosni i Hercegovini imalo je značajne rezultate za ocjenu njenih dostignuća i planiranje budućih aktivnosti. Agresija na Bosnu i Hercegovinu 1992–1995. imala je krupne posljedice na stanje bosanskohercegovačke historiografije, historiografije jugoistočne Evrope, pa i šire, a kao posljedica toga povećan je interes za prošlost i traženje u njoj odgovora na aktualna zbivanja. U tom razdoblju u Bosni I Hercegovini i njenom susjedstvu historijska nauka je poslužila i kao instrument aktualne politike, pa je ponestalo mjesta za kritičke analize historijskih izvora i njihovo objektivno vrednovanje i interpretiranje. Od tada su prisutne težnje da se stvaraju separirani i zatvoreni sistemi kako bi se imala vlastita nacionalna nauka, institucije, umjetnost i školstvo, a to je dovelo do degradacije nauke i kulture i njene marginalizacije u odnosu na evropske i svjetske tokove. I pored izuzetno nepovoljnih mogućnosti za bavljenje historijskom naukom, zabilježeni su ipak određeni rezultati. U središtu istraživanja raznih profila naučnika nalazili su se uglavnom radovi koji su se bavili nacionalnom problematikom. Tematska zastupljenost bila je usmjerena na teme koje se odnose na vlastitu naciju, granice, političku historiju, regionalnu i lokalnu problematiku, što je dovelo do zatvaranja u uske, nacionalne okvire. Mogućnost saradnje ili rada na zajedničkim projektima u Bosni i Hercegovini u potpunosti je marginalizirana.
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This essay will provide an introductory discussion of the historiography of the Bosnian genocide of 1992–1995 in the works of foreign scholars. The historiography is too large for this discussion to be exhaustive. We have attempted here to provide the principal categories of relevant works while citing the most important examples of them, before discussing the historiographical deficiencies and the tasks awaiting future scholars of the genocide. The reason for the dearth of monographs on the Bosnian genocide is that the subject is highly controversial, and any scholar who seriously studies it and expresses an opinion is likely to create enemies for themselves. There is a tendency of scholars to see the war in postmodernist terms, in terms of Serb, Croat and Bosniak “narratives”; as opposed to objective truth, which discourages taking the subject intellectually seriously. Furthermore, the prevailing ideology and discourse stemming from the international administration is one of reconciliation and putting the past behind us. So there is a disincentive to study the genocide in depth; a preference for studying more liberal feel-good themes related to reconciliation, memory, transitional justice and post-war reconstruction. The Bosnian genocide therefore awaits a new generation of foreign scholars to take it seriously as a subject and explore it in detail.
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The parliamentary general election took place on the first Sunday of July. The Independent Democratic Serb Party stood candidates for the election, drawing the public's attention with its campaign, conducted under the slogan “be what you are, respect what you're not” — more specifically, with the three videos it released as part of the campaign. In the first video, waiters are setting up a restaurant terrace to host a wedding; a female waitress posts a sign at the entrance, kindly asking the arrivals not to sing Ustasha songs, as there are Serbs among the invitees. The second video, called “Pupi's to blame for everything” drew most public attention. IDSP president Milorad Pupovac is the protagonist in the self-ironic and witty video, which lays blame for absolutely everything at his feet: from the Nineties war, all the way to planning on micro-chipping the population with Bill Gates and setting up the second wave of coronavirus infections in Croatia. The third video depicts the construction of a small wooden bridge in the Banija region, which made life easier for a Serb family. The video was filmed at the location where a bridge used to exist. The motto of the video is “bridges connect people, fools destroy them — don't be a fool”.
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The Bulletin before you gives an overview of events in 2021 that were motivated by prejudice, intolerance and hatred of Serbs in Croatia. It goes beyond the framework of official statistics, making use of a series of more or less familiar events to show how society breathes, thus bearing witness to an atmosphere that is very much present, yet is not always visible in numbers, nor publicly recognised and acknowledged as problematic. In fact, things need to be told like they are — in Croatia, even today, deep into the 21st century, Serb ethnic origin is still subject to intolerance and hate. The reactions elicited by the messages, sentences, drawings and other expressions of hatred towards Serbs, that is, most often their absence, or indeed denial of the problem, are no more than burying our collective heads in the sand and downplaying the significance of such expressions. This way, the moment when new generations will be able to grow up without having to learn not to accept the other merely due to their ethnic origin, is in increasing abeyance. This is why the exceptional value of this overview lies precisely in its power to raise awareness of the problems faced by people around Croatia merely because they or their family members are, or are even just assumed to be, Serbs. Likewise, this Bulletin can serve as a kind of traffic-light warning for all those tasked with bringing about positive changes, including by all means the relevant ministries — of the Interior, Justice or Education, as well as the State Attorney's Office and judges, not omitting politicians at all levels — with clear indicators of the deviations that in a democratic society should not have the status of acceptable patterns of behaviour.
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