EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Author(s): Antti Sillanpää / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This study describes the current information environment of Moldova. The main focus is on how societal vulnerabilities are exploited by political actors who are following policies promoted by the Kremlin. The mechanisms linking societal vulnerabilities and people’s behaviour are described here in order to better understand the Moldovan information environment, especially the Russian influence on Moldovan politics. Compared to a traditional target audience analysis, this study highlights the importance of the structure of media environment, which promotes hostile Kremlin narratives in Moldova (see picture page 5). This study assumes that societal problems are not discussed in a vacuum. Moldovans’ perception of what is going on around them and the actions they take in response are shaped by the structure of and key actors in the media environment. As a result, only some topics are selected for public consumption.

REPUBLIKA SRPSKA

Author(s): Sanja Golijanin / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Bosna i Hercegovina je po mnogo čemu specifična država koja se sastoji od dva entiteta: Republike Srpske i Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine. Bosna i Hercegovina se zasniva na principu ravnopravnosti dva entiteta i tri konstitutivna naroda. Entitet Republika Srpska ima sve državne funkcije i nadležnosti osim onih koje su Ustavom Bosne i Hercegovine izričito date njenim institucijama. Prihvaćen je princip podjele vlasti na zakonodavnu, izvršnu i sudsku. Zakonodavnu vlast vrši Narodna skupština i Vijeće naroda Republike Srpske, izvršnu Vlada Republike Srpske i sudsku osnovni, okružni i Vrhovni sud. Predsjednik Republike Srpske predstavlja Republiku i izražava njeno jedinstvo. Zaštitu ustavnosti i zakonitosti obezbjeđuje Ustavni sud Republike Srpske. Prihvaćeni sistem podjele vlasti ima elemenata parlamentarnog i predsjedničkog sistema. Konstitutivnost Srba, Bošnjaka i Hrvata predstavlja temelj bosanskohercegovačkog društva. Odluka Ustavnog suda Bosne i Hercegovine o konstitutivnosti triju naroda na teritoriji Bosne i Hercegovine predstavlja ključnu odluku za čitavo današnje ustavno uređenje kako Bosne i Hercegovine tako i njenih entiteta.

COMPLEX NATURE OF FRANCHISING AND NEW CHALLENGES FOR DEVELOPMENT

Author(s): Ljiljana Kukec / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Franchising, in the economic sense, is a method of marketing expansion used on behalf of successful companies to expand their products or services through a network of retail units owned by independent entrepreneurs, sharing with them the brand, knowhow and marketing techniques in exchange for entrance fee and royalties by each of the retail units (Matthews, De Bolt and Percival, 2006: 6). Regardless of whether franchising is defined through its legal, economic or some other form, it is characterized by the fact that it is an entrepreneurial alliance of two independent entrepreneurs who aim to exploit a recognized opportunity to create growth through this alliance, so as to increase the chances of success (Timmons and Spinelli, 2003). Because franchising is a replication of success, it has been the subject of many of research studies, and some of them show that, regardless of economic interests or the legal form of franchising, the relationship between the two main parties is what contributes the most to success, and this relationship is much more than a legal or economic/business relationship. It is a personal relationship in the first place, and only when the personal relationship descends to the level of business relationship, that relationship is damaged. A further degradation of successful relationship from a business relationship to a legal one occurs when the business relationship is already heavily damaged because, despite the popular belief, the real, quality franchise relationship is not defined by the franchise agreement, but by common goals, mutual trust, respect and open communication (Matthews, De Bolt and Percival, 2006). Franchise on its own is not an instant success, what enables it, besides the above mentioned personal relationship, is know-how, innovation, quality product/service and standard procedures that stand in the centre of every franchise package.

Jewel or thorn? V4 in 2017 from Slovakia’s perspective

Author(s): Tomáš Strážay / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The trends that characterized Visegrad cooperation in the year 2016 continued also in 2017. The prime ministers remained the main political drivers, while the foreign ministers (and foreign ministries generally) played the role of technical coordinators. Multi-layered and intensive cooperation in various sectors continued to be an important pillar of the V4. Perhaps the most visible connecting issue continued to be migration and a negative stance on redistribution quotas, while another important binding issue became that of double standards in food quality. With the intensification of debate on the future of European integration, V4 leaders, however, continued to present positions that differed in some way. Nevertheless, no V4 country has any interest in the dissolution of the V4 – on the contrary, all of them consider it a successful model of regional cooperation in many areas.

The Janus-face of Slovakia’s Eastern policy in 2017

Author(s): Alexander Duleba / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Russian–Ukrainian crisis, which began in 2014, marks the end of an era in which both the Slovak political class, including the wider public, shared a common understanding of the country’s foreign policy priorities. This is the first time since the preaccession period of Slovakia’s foreign policy (before 2004) that the country’s political leaders have voiced conflicting narratives regarding an international crisis – including an interpretation of its nature, its meaning for the national interests of Slovakia, and how to respond to it. This article offers an analytical overview of Slovakia’s Eastern policy during 2017, which continued to involve the diverging lines presented by leading representatives of Slovak politics.

The Western Balkans – will the EU overcome enlargement fatigue?

Author(s): Július Lőrincz / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The question in the heading may seem rather speculative, since an answer in the positive may appear simple and straightforward after the experience of recent years. Someone might argue that the unambiguousness of such a reply is simply wishful thinking that is out of touch with reality. However, a negative answer also does not take into account all the possibilities and elements of reality in Europe and the Western Balkans. The enlargement of the European Union to the southeast of our continent is simply a longterm process, the progression of which is connected with many obstacles, twists and turns affecting its rhythm and pace.

Rusija i njen uticaj na Balkanu

Author(s): Sonja Biserko / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Rusija je kroz istoriju uvek imala strateški interes na Balkanu. On se izražavao kroz njenu imperijalnu drzavnu politiku u kojoj je Balkan tretiran kao region od značaja za bezbednost i stabilnost njenih južnih i jugozapadnih granica. Osim toga, njena stalna težnja za prisustvom na Balkanu motivirana je ambicijom da izađe na topla mora. Za ostvarenje svojih težnji, Rusija je koristila religiju koja je zajednička za nekoliko zemalja na Balkanu (Rumunija, Bugarska, Srbija, Makedonija, Grčka) i kulturno-istorijske veze. U XIX veku, u tom je smislu bila značajna pojava panslavizma koji je bio prijemčiv za većinu slovenskih naroda, koji u to vreme nemaju svoje nacionalne države. Zvanični politički kurs koji je carski režim sledio na Balkanu bio je usmeren na oslobodilačke borbe slovenskih, prevashodno, hrišćanskih naroda, nailazio je na podršku širih krugova ruskog društva. Međutim, bez obzira na očiglednu panslovensku bliskost, strateški interesi Rusije, rukovođeni željom za kontrolom Dardanela, bili su i ostali pokretačka snaga ruske politike do danas.

Izveštaj o brojnosti i nacionalnom sastavu stanovništva na Kosovu

Author(s): Helge Brunborg / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Pregledavši nekoliko izvora i relevantnu demografsku literaturu, mišljenja sam da je broj stanovnika na Kosovu iznosio oko 2,1 milion, odnosno da se kretao između 2,0 i 2,2 miliona, u periodu pre sukoba 1998-1999. godine. Od ovog ukupnog broja, procenat stanovništva albanske nacionalnosti bio bi oko 83%, odnosno kretao bi se između 80 i 85%, a srpske oko 10%, odnosno između 9 i 13%, što bi značilo da su ostale nacionalnosti činile oko 7%.Ima nekoliko razloga zašto se o brojnosti i nacionalnom sastavu stanovništva na Kosovu tokom devedesetih godina ne može govoriti sa sigurnošću. Prvi razlog je taj što su Albanci bojkotovali popis iz 1991. godine. Drugi glavni razlog su značajne ali neregistrovane migracije Albanaca, Srba i pripadnika drugih nacionalnosti, koji su se tokom devedesetih godina doseljavali i odseljavali sa Kosova. Ipak, postoji nekoliko procena o brojnosti i nacionalnom sastavu stanovništva, pa se analizom njihovih rezultata i metoda mogu izvesti zaključci o stanovništvu Kosova u razdoblju koje razmatramo.Savezni zavod za statistiku (SZS) Savezne Republike Jugoslavije (SRJ) je i sam dao procenu brojnosti i sastava stanovništva 1991. godine, na osnovu predviđanja koja se temelje na popisu iz 1981. godine i izvesnim pretpostavkama o trendu fertiliteta, smrtnosti i migracija, počevši od 1981. godine. Prema procenama SZS-a, koje se čine sasvim pouzdanim, ukupan broj stanovnika je 1991. godine iznosio 1.956.000, od čega je 82% bilo albanske nacionalnosti, 10% srpske, a 8% su bile druge nacionalnosti. Ove procene su, međutim, procene stanovništva de jure, pošto obuhvataju i lica na privremenom radu u inostranstvu. Po proceni SZS-a, sredinom 1991. godine, stanovništvo de facto iznosilo je 1.935.000, što je samo 33.000 manje od procene stanovništva de jure za isti period.Teže je dati procenu broja stanovnika pre sukoba 1998-1999. godine, jer tokom devedesetih nije bilo popisa, a migracioni tokovi u tom periodu, koji su mogli biti značajni, nisu propisno zabeleženi.Postoje, međutim, dve nezavisne procene stanovništva neposredno pre sukoba 1998-1999. godine. Po prvoj od ovih procena, koju je 1997. napravio Savezni zavod za statistiku SRJ, stanovništvo je de jure brojalo 2.188.000 stanovnika, a de facto 2.166.000, za relevantno vremensko razdoblje. SZS je sredinom 1998. godine procenio stanovništvo de jure na 2.222.000. Prema drugoj proceni, koju je napravila grupa francuskih demografa sa Univerziteta Montesquieu-Bordeaux, broj de facto stanovnika na Kosovu je na dan 1. oktobra 1998. godine iznosio između 2.044.000 i 2.131.000. Ova procena se zasniva na reprezentativnom uzorku velikog broja domaćinstava obuhvaćenih istraživanjem koje su od novembra 1999. do februarara 2000. godine sproveli na Kosovu, u saradnji sa Fondom za stanovništvo Ujedinjenih nacija, Međunarodnom organizacijom za migracije i Zavodom za statistiku Kosova. Istraživanje ovih demografa obuhvatilo je pitanja o privremeno odsutnim članovima domaćinstava. Zahvaljujući odgovorima na ova pitanja, demografima je takođe bilo moguće da procene da bi broj stanovnika iznosio 2.290.000, da od 1981. godine nije bilo ovakve emigracije.Procene stanovništva de facto od 2.188 miliona (SZS) i 2.044 - 2.131 milion (Blayo et al.), za 1997. i 1998. godinu, veoma su bliske jedna drugoj, odnosno, obe iznose nešto više od dva miliona. Ove procene su, verovatno, najbolje moguće, s obzirom na to da ne postoje precizni podaci na osnovu kojih bi se mogli izvući zaključci o stanovništvu Kosova za relevantno razdoblje. Za ovaj izveštaj korišćene su i druge procene za 1998. i prethodne godine. Procena Saveznog sekretarijata za informacije SRJ, po kojoj je ukupan broj stanovnika na Kosovu 1998. godine iznosio 1.3 miliona, od čega su 917.000 bili Albanci, značajno je niža od drugih procena za 1998. godinu. Kad bi ova procena bila tacna, to bi značilo da je emigracijski saldo bio veoma velik između sredine 1997. i sredine 1998. godine - oko 750.000. Ova procena mi se, stoga, ne čini realnom. Ne znam na čemu se ova procena zasniva, ali bilo bi jako neobično da je Savezni sekretarijat za informacije raspolagao podacima o migracijama i drugom, a da oni nisu bili dostavljeni drugoj vladinoj organizaciji, naime Saveznom zavodu za statistiku, kako bi on mogao da revidira sopstvene procene. Isto tako, jedna druga procena, koju je za 1995. godinu dao Islami (1997), prema kojoj je Kosovo 1997. /kao u originalu/ godine brojalo 2.2 miliona stanovnika (ovo bi verovatno trebalo da predstavlja procenu de facto), ne čini se realnom, s obzirom ne visinu brojke. Konačno, i Visoki komesarijat za izbeglice Ujedinjenih nacija (UNHCR) je dao de jure procenu za 1998. godinu, veorvatno 31. marta; zasnovao ju je na trendovima koji se čitaju iz popisa stanovništva iz 1991. godine i došao do brojke od 2.188.817. Ova brojka je veoma bliska de jure proceni SZS-a od 2.220.000, za sredinu 1998. godine. Sve tri procene daju i nacionalni sastav stanovništva, ali, kao što je već pomenuto, prve dve procene ne čine se realističnima. Procena UNHCR-a, međutim, korisna je što se tiče nacionalnog sastava. Budući da je ova procena UNHCR-a de jure procena, verovatno je da se de facto nacionalni sastav nije mnogo razlikovao od sastava de jure, pošto je tokom devedesetih migracijski saldo svih etničkih grupa sa Kosova verovatno bio negativan. Na osnovu nekoliko izvora koje sam pregledala, a koji pružaju saznanja o stanovništvu, čini mi se da je najpouzdanija procena nacionalnog sastava ona koju je dao UNHCR, dok je najpouzdanija procena ukupnog broja stanovnika ona koju daju Blayo et al. Dakle, smatram da je na Kosovu u prvoj polovini 1998. godine živelo između 1,708,000 i 1,780,000 Albanaca, između 197,000 i 205,000 Srba i između 139,000 i 145,000 pripadnika drugih nacionalnosti. Ili, pošto ove brojke mogu izgledati suviše precizne u odnosu na stvarnu situaciju, moj zaključak je da je 1998. godine na Kosovu živelo oko 1,7 miliona Albanaca, oko 200.000 Srba i oko 140.000 pripadnika drugih nacionalnosti. Izraženo u procentima, to je 83% Albanaca, 10% Srba i 7% ostalih. Za ovaj izveštaj takođe sam razmotrio i druge demografske aspekte na Kosovu. Ustanovio sam da je priraštaj stanovništva na Kosovu visok, ali da je tokom poslednjih pedeset godina bio u padu, i taj trend će se verovatno nastaviti i narednih 20 godina, sudeći po demografskim predviđanjima koje je 1996. godine dao Savezni zavod za statistiku, pre sukoba 1998-1999. godine. Međutim, demografska kretanja na Kosovu tokom poslednjih godina zasigurno su izmenila očekivanu demografsku sliku provincije. Konačno, moj zaključak je da je glavni uzročnik naglog rasta broja stanovnika stanovništva viši fertilitet među kosovskim Albanacima u poređenju sa Srbima i drugim populacionim grupama, no, kao i drugde u Evropi, i fertilitet Albanaca rapidno opada.

Autobiographies of Macedonian Refugees

Author(s): Anna Kurpiel / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Турецкая карта Черного и Азовского морей из собрания Государственного исторического музея

Author(s): Igor V. Volkov / Language(s): Russian Publication Year: 0

The author publishes a Turkish navigation map held by the State Historical Museum (Moscow). It is executed in the manner traditional for the European cartography, yet with Turkish inscriptions using Arabic alphabet. The map shows the Black Sea with its northern, eastern and southern shores (the western part is cut off ), as well as the whole of the Azov Sea. The article minutely studies stylistic features of the map. There is a table with the list of geographic names found on the map (toponyms and hydronyms): the original Turkish spelling and transcription and their respective identifiable modern names.

Мираж европейской Сарматии на фоне истории текста и карт «Географии» Птолемея

Author(s): Petr V. Shuvalov / Language(s): Russian Publication Year: 0

Works of O. A. W. Dilke, A. Diller, P. Schnabel, J. Fischer and others enable the author to conclude that the handmade maps are descendents of Ptolemy's maps. An alternative hypothesis (i. e. that the maps were a later product by the Byzantine scholars who used Ptolemy's text) seems to be not very well grounded.

Lingual performance and attitude towards regional movements: Silesia

Author(s): Thomas Daiber / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

It is well known that since the 1980s the political importance of regional political movements in Europe has grown ever more and yet there exists a huge amount of mostly political and sociological investigations about the phenomenon. The majority of the authors seem to agree, that the regionalist movements should be viewed in relation to discrepancies between the respective national government and the supranational European level.

Political Cooperation on the Balkans: Mission (Im)Possible?

Author(s): Maria Bakalova,Anton Parvanov / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

It would not be an overstatement to claim that political cooperation on the Balkanshas been thwarting in the last three decades. Looking retrospectively, it becomes very conspicuoushow scarce, inconsequential or even dead-born have been the attempts at multilateral cooperationamong the Balkan states in that period. The present paper offers possible answers to the question"Why regional political cooperation on the Balkans has not marked sufficient success after the endof the Cold war?" Usually answers are sought in historical past and experience from previousinteractions and/or influence and intervention from extra-regional (f)actors. These (f)actors by nomeans should be neglected. Our claim, however, is that answers should be sought also on regionaland internal political level. In other words, in explaining the crippled efforts at all-Balkan political cooperation we look at internal political actors and the ways they might perceive externalstimuli and incentives. We argue that unlike previous historical periods when external environment and circumstances were rather unfavorable or even hostile to cooperation within the Balkans, since the beginning of the new century the external environment produces more positive incentives and stimulates political cooperation on the Balkans. Hence, the uncertain and stumblingpolitical cooperation on the Balkans is not due to external (f)actors. The emphasis on the internalpolitical actors reveals that political cooperation among Balkan states depends significantly onthe actors’ political will. Thus, the (im)possibility of Balkan political cooperation leans on theways political actors in the region perceive and interpret the signals from external environmentand communicate them back and forth to the national internal settings.

Cooperation through Innovations: Opportunities for the Balkan Connectivity

Author(s): Margarita Ivanova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Innovations are making the world more and more interconnected, but some regionsand countries are performing better than others. The topic is particularly important due to thelatest developments in the Balkan region, which has important political, economic and culturalspecifics that distinguish it from other parts of the world. They are linked with the particularitiesof projects and realities of cooperation activities in a regional context. It is vital to give specificattention to the topic also because of the opportunities that can be developed to benefit all partners in the region. At the same time one should be aware about the challenges that have to betackled in the process of enhancing the cooperation and connectivity in the Balkans.The present paper explores the opportunities that innovation holds for enhanced cooperationand connectivity in the Balkan region. Best innovation practices will be discussed to increase theawareness about the complexities of the topic, which requires serious analysis that draws on theexpertise of professionals across borders.

REGIONAL EMPLOYMENT PATTERNS

Author(s): Desislava Botseva / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The problems of the modern labor market are subject of growing interest in the research field of the political discussions and management practices. Of particular relevance they acquire at the beginning of the period of economic and political transition, they deepen according to the Bulgaria's membership in the European Union, and in more modern times arise into the new challenges in the new demographic, economic and social realities. One of the key and at the same time most complex tasks of the modern economy is the formation of an effectively functioning, dynamic and civilized labor market.

In the Nexus of Stigma or Prestige: Politicians with Migration-background

Author(s): Devrimsel Deniz Nergiz / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The political participation of Mowassat, Özkan, or Sharma alongside Schmidt, Maier, or Beck is already a routine part of German politics. But scholar interest has not yet been directed towards politicians with migration backgrounds in Germany. Politicians, as the faces of political parties, are not only the movers of electoral politics. Diversity among party faces hints at the composition of the given society and its politics.

Political integration of the German-Turkish youth in Berlin

Author(s): Mine Karakuş / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The main aim in writing this paper on German-Turks is to present an exploratory analysis on the Turkish community in Germany.Through a series of in-depth interviews with younger generations of German-Turks in Berlin, it is focused on their preferences concerning citizenship issues and attitudes towards their home as well as host countries. The role of their overall approach towards citizenship issues in shaping their political participation strategies in both German and Turkish contexts is also underlined.

Distance beyond the border: Kurds of Syria and Turkey in Istanbul

Author(s): Souad Osseiran / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This chapter explores the social and political relations of Kurds from Syria and Turkey, who were living together in a neighbourhood in Istanbul. Kurds from Qamishli in Syria have relatives across the border in Turkey. They are kin who have been separated in the creation of the two nation states. The border did not deter continued ties, marriage, movement and exchange between them. As a consequence of the conflict in Syria, many Syrian nationals came to Istanbul to make their lives there. For many of those with family on the Turkish side of the border, they chose to settle in areas where their Turkish relative are living. For many, it is their first extended encounter with the Kurds of Turkey- their kin from across the border- while others have continuously come and gone to Istanbul for various reasons.

The Kurds: “A history of deliberate and reactive state-lessness”

Author(s): Hanifi Barış / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

I grew up listening to a story that did not strike me much at the time. My father, who was born in 1925, is a dengbêj (folk poet) and he told me a story explaining the reason for the statelessness of the Kurds in their ‘failure’ to unite under one leader and join a cause. It is a story about the famous Kurdish leader Cemil Çeto who prepared to fight the Kemalist movement. It was the moment when he saw an opportunity to call upon foreign powers to support the Kurds and assist them in founding a Kurdish state. He meets the leaders of seven tribal confederacies and claims that he can bring France’s air force to their help in seven days. Only, he insists that a leader must be chosen, either himself or someone else, who will represent the Kurdish coalition internationally and negotiate with the French. Eminê Ahmed, one of the leaders present, stands up and says that he will never relinquish his title or give his father’s legacy away to bow to anyone else. Others follow him in that decision. In short, according to the story the chance to establish a Kurdish state was missed because of the lack of unity among Kurdish leaders and such an opportunity was never obtained again.

Turkish teachers’ views on European identity in Belgium

Author(s): Ali Faruk Yaylacı / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Identity, as a theoretical and phenomenological notion, has long been a part of international migration studies (Coll and Falsafi, 2009; Vertovec, 2001). Immigrant identity and belonging has also been a part of the literature on immigrant integration because immigrants’ perception of their own identity and that of the host society influence the processes of integration. Esser (as cited in Sahin, 2010) states that identity is an important dimension of social integration. It is related to an individual’s sense of belonging to a place and a community. In this process, education also has a role to play. Formal education institutions are fundamental arenas for the construction of identity. Indeed, individuals are driven through a systematic process of identity formation at school as determined by the state. In fact, the learning itself is an experience of identity. This applies to immigrants as well.They gain their perceptions of being and identity in the society during their school years. These perceptions influence their integration. Many scholars have stressed that teachers’ personal backgrounds, as well as their identities, impact on their views of teaching. Teachers bring themselves and their personalities into the classroom. The teachers’ backgrounds influence what is taught, interpretations of classroom situations and students’ behaviours, as well as pedagogical decisions (Koopmans, 1999; Mosselson, 2011; Wenger, 1998; Coll and Falsafi, 2009; Smith, 2000; White, Zion, and Kozleski, 2005). Therefore, it is critical to investigate the integration of Turkish immigrants in Europe in relation to the identity of teachers from Turkey. This study aims to shed some light on this process.