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This paper undertakes a semantic analysis of the concept of historical politics, which is key to understanding the social transformations of the Third Republic and modernity in general. The idea of historical politics was popularized by the end of the 1990s by intellectuals associated with the Warsaw Club of Political Criticism (WKKP) and gained resonance as one of the cornerstones of the semantic revolution of the Law and Justice Party in the years 2003–2005. The institutionalization of this concept was the opening in 2004 of the Warsaw Rising Museum, whose co-creators were members of WKKP. The concept of historical politics appeared in the context of a critique of modernity and its characteristic break with the past to choose the future. At the same time, the concept of historical politics had a modern dimension: in the pursuit of a revolutionary transformation of reality, it chose a future that was not a break from the past, but a return to it. This article also references the prehistory of the concept in Bronisław Trentowski’s and August Cieszkowski’s philosophy of history, showing the deep layers of meaning of politics and history.
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The model of society put forward by Marxist theoreticians as descriptive of a post-revolutionary society had a quasi-constitutional status in countries that claimed to adhere to Soviet-type socialism, particularly those of Eastern Europe. As the model’s main function was to legitimise the actions of those who wielded power, it acquired doctrinal significance. In the Eastern European countries, the history of the sociology of social structure and stratification clearly illustrates the conservative nature of official doctrine. However, the real mechanisms of society, in so far as they deviated from the official paradigm, upset doctrinal stability and may consequently have led, if not to a revision of the official dogmas, then to the acceptance of a certain degree of flexibility. In order to understand the development of the theoretical analysis of social stratification and social inequalities (the most sensitive area of debate) in totalitarian and post-totalitarian Soviet type societies, it must be noted that post-war sociology has reflected a continuing effort by sociologists to create an independent scientific framework for their discipline. This is why we try, in this article, to combine evaluating the attitudes of different Eastern European sociologists from across the political spectrum with the evolution and adaptation of their theoretical approaches and creativity.
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The post-war history of Romanian sociology followed a tortuous path, similar to the evolutions within other countries of the Soviet Bloc. Defined as a “bourgeois” and “reactionary” social science, sociology was purged from the academic field for almost two decades. Its subsequent re-institutionalisation in the mid-1960s was a process largely influenced by social evolution in Romania (industrialisation, urbanisation, and the collectivisation of agriculture), but also by the desire to re-connect the Romanian social sciences to the international field of dialogue and debates. My paper discusses not only the institutional articulation and development of sociology in communist Romania, but also how the discipline was re-imagined and re-contextualised by the regime.
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For all the post-war decades sociology in Poland has been focused on problems that are typical of peripheral modernising societies. The aim of this text is to identify, from today’s perspective, successive stages of sociology’s development after the Second World War. In the beginning, sociology was focused on perceiving the communist revolution as a social laboratory. In the 1960s and 1970s, Polish society underwent enforced industrialisation and urbanisation. In the next decade, studies were dominated by critical analysis of the communist system in crisis. After 1989, social scientists started to study the post-communist transformation, which was seen as a “return to normality.” The entire time, sociological studies oscillated between the monitoring of project implementation and the recording of new grass roots processes. The author considers that sociology’s recent departure from the narrative of catching up and imitation creates a chance for a more precise view of social processes in Poland.
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This article covers the development of sociology as a scientific discipline in Belarus in the period of the 1960s through 1980s. It analyses the close interrelation between sociological and philosophical knowledge. It also looks at the phenomenon of the double identity of the sociologist and the philosopher, leading to their reciprocal influence. The indirect influences of Western sociological and philosophical conceptions are explained as an important source of sociology’s development. Analysis shows that some Western ideas were known rather well and were presented in academic publications and textbooks in the form of “criticism of bourgeois science,” which, despite its critical form, could often provide real information. Analysis of the main texts (monographs, textbooks, and dictionaries, as well as memoirs) helps to cover the main problems, approaches, works, and concepts that were transferred to, and referred to, in Belarusian sociology in the period of the 1960s through 1980s. The process of transfer had a slow but permanent and constant character and the usage of Western conceptions became ever more normal and legitimated. The findings reveal the real importance of “Western” knowledge as a “shadow” factor in the development of sociology (often in close connection with philosophy) in Soviet Belarus in the 1960s through 1980s.
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This article concerns the Warsaw School of Marxism, which was created at the University of Warsaw after the Second World War and functioned simultaneously with the famous Warsaw School of the History of Ideas. The Warsaw School of Marxism was formed in the circle of Julian Hochfeld, a pre-war socialist who not only wanted to bring Marxism into the social sciences and culture in Poland but also to redefine it in order to use it to analyse socialist societies. Inspired by Hochfeld’s ideas, his pupils – including Zygmunt Bauman, Włodzimierz Wesołowski, Maria Hirszowicz, Jerzy Wiatr, Witold Morawski, and Aleksandra Jasińska-Kania – engaged in original reflection and research. Some of their studies came to be seen as milestones for sociology in Poland. The history of the school is presented here in the context of the social and political changes occurring in the Polish People’s Republic: Stalinism, the “Polish Way to Socialism” after 1956, and the breakthrough between the 1960s and 1970s. The history of the school is interesting in itself and can also serve to further an understanding of the dynamics of “real socialist” societies within the framework of totalitarianism.
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The "Otbor-" or selection of Serb teachers to be sent to- Macedonia and Old Serbia represents one of the most flagrant examples of the assimilatory aspirations of Serbia with regard to the Bulgarian population in Macedonia during XlXth с The emergence and work of the said propagandaoriented organisation are an understudied issue which is by rule associated with Milosh Miloevich's policy in the region. By using new, unexplored materials from the archives of lliya Garashanin, Yovan Ristich, the Serb Ministry of Education, plus memoirs of eminent political figures and the press, the article sheds light on previously unknown aspects in the functioning of the Serb propaganda in the 1870s when the stand of the Serb government concerning Macedonia, was already clearly formulated.
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The Bulgarian philologists present at the 1993 symposium of the Macedonian Scientific Institute (Sofia) focusing on "The Bulgarian Language in Macedonia", came up with quite a few sound arguments attesting to the unity of the Bulgarian (spoken and literary) language on the territory of Moesia, Thrace ad Macedonia. The author suggests that this positive result should be multiplied by providing proof from areas occupied by other branches of science: literature, history, archaeology, folklore, ethnography, arts, geography, philosophy, as wall as law and religion.
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The study of Bulgaria's folklore represents a special portion of the impressive scientific work of Yordan Ivanov. It has occurred as a result of many years of research dedicated to the masterpieces of the art of folklore. Regrettably, the surviving personal archives of the outstanding scholar offer little of his one-time rich collection of folk songs.
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The research of the Banat region known in the history of medieval Hungary as Temesköz is difficult because its medieval charters, settlement network and architectural memories have largely disappeared, and post-Ottoman settlements have covered the previous layers not only physically, but in terms of historical memory as well. In addition, the storms of the twentieth century did not favour the research of this region. Some of the medieval and modern events in the region’s history also suggest that some of its parts have been difficult to populate at times. The present paper aims at contributing to detect the development of the region by examining a relatively well-known data group, the network of the church institutions. Based on the analysis of the monastic and parish networks, the inhabited areas of the Banat changed several times during the Middle Ages. Only the coastal strip of the Mureş/Maros, parts of the transport corridor between Arad and Haram and the narrower area of the Tisza and Danube were inhabited permanently. The western part of the region had a much weaker population than the east, and the southwestern part between the Tisza and Deliblato Sands was almost uninhabited. Based on the evolution of the monastic network, the sustaining capacity of the area reached its peak twice during the Middle Ages: first just before the Mongol invasion and secondly around 1400. Compared to the monastic network of other regions of the country, the number of monasteries was clearly lower than the national average. It could never reach the proportion of fourteenth-century parishes, even in pre-Ottoman peacetime periods. The reason for this can be found in economic factors related to the natural environment.
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The end of World War I generated an accelerate dissolution of the former Austro-Hungarian administration also within the territories preponderantly inhabited by Romanian communities. The case of the Banat is a special one as long as that region was occupied by military units belonging to Serbia, within a short time after the end of the war. The new occupying authorities strongly made heavier or even prevent manu militari the delegates of the Banat from preparing and leaving for Alba Julia. No less than 13 Orthodox priests belonging to the western areas of the Banat parishes of Caransebeș diocese assumed and voted the document of December 1, 1918, in spite of the Serbian forces’ opposition, who were interested to strongly limit the Banat’s representatives joining the Great National Assembly. The localities where those priests had worked rested outside of the Romanian frontiers after the Paris Peace Conference. Those priests’ fearlessness to have taken part into the democratic action in Alba Julia had certain consequences, the most of them being excluded from exerting their clerical competences within those localities.
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The political life in Timiș-Torontal County as well as that one at the national level was dominated in the second half of 1946 by the campaign for Parliament elections in November, with lot of abuses and illegal acts, and teasing the traditional parties (the National Peasants’ Party and the National Liberal Party, and also the Independent Social-Democratic Party lead by advocate Constantin-Titel Petrescu). A series of crises, “secessions”, resignations and dismissals occurred also within the Block of Democratic Parties, generating at a certain moment, a severe crisis of confidence among the members of the governmental coalition. That one was caused by making “a covenant” with “the enemy” (namely, the political organizations of the democratic opposition), by a different visions concerning the Germans and Serbians, as well as by defeatist actions of some of the leaders in communes, towns, counties and regions, or some of important cadres’ disciplinary deviations, etc. The leaders of BDP were looking askance at the guardists too; they made so a series of lists with the guardists who had become members – sometimes, even presidents – of some local subsidiaries of the parties in the governmental “arch” (without any note on the context or the way of such cases); they were also more than “attentive” to the former members of the so-called “fascist”, “nazist” or “pro-fascist” organizations, etc. The electoral campaigns that lasted for long in fact (June-November 1946) was a special opportunity for a propagandist “duel” between the power and the opposition; non-transparence in informing adopted ever frequently by the cabinet of “a large democratic concentration” lead by dr. Petru Groza, induced a similar retailing that covered all the “topical” questions the population in Timis-Torontal and the limitrophe counties to (Caraș, Severin and Arad) had to face. The “treasons” of some of the cadres in BDP that were revealed just in the election day (November 19, 1946) needed an urgent re-organizing of those structures and a large cabinet reshuffling (done at the end of November the same year).
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The present analysis deals with the historic visit of President Charles de Gaulle in Romania, in May 1968. The moment was as much important as Ceaușescu’s regime found a remarkable opening toward the Occidental offices at the time; it was in fact a true diplomatic offensive indubitably promoted by Nicolae Ceaușescu himself, with Ion Gheorghe Maurer’s decisive assistance. Nicolae Ceaușescu, general secretary of the Romanian Communist Party, was taken by Occident at that time for a virulent objector to the Soviet domination in East-Europe communist camp. The great French dignitary’s visit was an expression of the large sympathy Romania enjoyed all over the world within a period of extreme international political tension.
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History has emerged as an all-encompassing branch of science. Especially after the declaration of the Tanzimat Edict in the Ottoman Empire, institutions that attach importance to history education and training were established and the foundations of national historiography were laid in this period. In the last period of the Ottoman Empire, II. The science of history had a very important effect on the prominence of the Turkism movement during the Constitutional Monarchy. In this period, history textbooks were written on the axis of nationality and Turkishness was emphasized. It is aimed to develop national consciousness in students by bringing to the forefront issues such as that the Turks are a very old nation, that they established great states, and that they have hosted many nations for centuries. In fact, in the first eight years of the Republic, the history textbooks that were taught during this period were re-taught exactly or by adding or removing parts of them. In this study, besides the knowledge transfer function of history education and history textbooks; The importance of teaching the students the past, using the knowledge they learned to create a national identity, and growing up as individuals who adopt the education of values are examined. In our article, starting from the meaning and importance of history, how the history teaching system and history textbooks should be evaluated.
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“Eternity was born in the village” is a reality which is confirmed even by the Church’s evolution. Specifically, even on the dialogue side, the Church has evolved throughout time, building and rebuilding destroyed relations in ancient times. Considering the homage year assigned to the village’s life and the outstanding figures from the top of our Church, I chose to evoke real historical approaches made to reach warmer relations captured in our days. The patriarch Iustin Moisescu is one of the promoters for the relationship between the Orthodox Church and Roman Catholic Church, as well as between the rest of the Church’s. The dialogue part wasn’t foreign for the first half of the past century, the patriarch Iustin being also involved in the discussions of the Church’s Ecumenical Council, considered by most as a reference of ecumenical closeness. Taken as a reference, we can notice that based on this ecumenical activity there was elevated a continuous dialogue shown differently, throughout relational organisms like: The World Council of Churches, Mixt Committees of dialogue, various ecumenical Meetings, etc. This memo is seeking to notice the evolution of the ecumenical relationships between the Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic one, starting from the classic Romanian orthodox values. Regarding the course of the memo, starting from the ecumenical principles existent in the 19th century, throughout terminological remarks and descriptions regarding the relational authorities, we will observe the current state and the fruitful work of the Romanian orthodox promoters.
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The specific legal nature of the state union of Austria and Hungary was not governed by a common constitution but by the agreement of the two entities, the Austro-Hungarian Settlement, which was adopted by both parts of the Monarchy in their respective representative bodies. Concerns about the constitutional structure of the Monarchy stemmed largely from a different interpretation of the Austro-Hungarian settlement and the nature of the state union created by it. The text of the Settlement adopted in Hungary differed from the German text, which gave rise to a different interpretation of the nature of the Austro-Hungarian state. With the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina to this specific state structure, first under the mandate of the administration and later annexation, this complex constitutional situation inevitably conditioned the specific position of Bosnia and Herzegovina. For the Austro-Hungarian authorities, the particularly difficult and unpleasant questions were who should govern Bosnia and Herzegovina and how, as well as how it would be financed. In this article, the author analyzes the nature of the dualistic structure of the Monarchy and its impact on the final position of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Austria-Hungary.
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This paper emphasizes the specific qualities of Lastovo as a bioregional community which found their legal regulation in the provisions of the Lastovo Statute. The inhabitants of Lastovo knew very well how to interpret, recognise and preserve thelocal customs, culture and tradition of their island. The Lastovo Statute stipulates a number of communal-police and ecological rules which were at the very frontline of technical and sanitary achievements of the time. The rules recognized and protected local ecosystems, their specific cultural fabric, bioregional economy and its cultural production, which gave a strong impulse to the development of economic freedoms and common rights. Among other similar documents, the Lastovo Statute by virtue of its wording and spirit testifies to the exceptionally high ideo protean potential of the Mediterranean cultural area.
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