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Starting from the school year 2020/2021, the Bulgarian school will begin studying a separate subject “Civic Education”. Previous practice has provided that civic education at school should be realized through its integrated study in general subjects, among which “History and Civilizations” played a leading role.The purpose of this publication is to analyze and predict whether, in the new situation, the place of history of students' civic education and their formation as citizens will be maintained or weakened.
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The article deals with the situation of providing studying rooms and hostels for students. Difficult economic situation in the country caused slow growth of the studying space. It has been proved that rooms unfit for the teaching learning process were given to institutions. The author having used rich database proves that it was too difficult to provide lodging for students, especially in the 1920s. Most institutions of higher education did not have their own hostels. Part of student dwellings was in the buildings unfit for living. It has been shown that living conditions were improving gradually during the 30s of the 20th century. The greater part of hostels was poorly furnished and there was not enough linen. Students hip living in boarding-schools had to follow the rules of residence. At the same time, it often happened that student rooms were unsanitary. Most hostels had no bathhouses, laundries, and barber shops.
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Regional Historical Museum “Dr Simeon Tabakov” – Sliven preserves and exhibits a precious golden mask, which was found in 2007 during regular archaeological excavations, led by Dr Georgi Kitov in Dalakova mound, located in the village of Topolchane (Sliven region). As early as 2500 years ago, the ancient Thracian master applied the principles of ideal proportion corresponding to the “golden ratio” in geometry, art and architecture. Also known as the “golden section”, it symbolizes harmony, beauty and perfection, and was kept in strict secrecy by those who had inside knowledge of it.
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The main aim of this article is to present a comparative historical analysis of the mechanisms for the replacement of the political elites after the collapse of interwar Czechoslovakia and the declaration of the Slovak State under the influence of Nazi Germany in the years 1938–1940 at the level of municipal self-government with regard to the onset of an authoritarian regime. The subjects of the research are two towns, Prešov and Nitra, which provide an opportunity to look for similarities and differences in the changes implemented in two socio-economically and demographically similar towns with different political climates. The research is based on primary and secondary historical sources confronted mainly with the theories of V. Pareto, R. Michels and J. J. Linz. Historical developments in Slovakia in the years 1938–1940 and the process of the replacement of municipal elites correlates with the framework formulated in the sociological theories of Pareto and Michels. The process of the replacement of municipal elites contributed also to the gaining of characteristic elements of the authoritarian regime in the sense of the definition of J. J. Linz established in Slovakia by the Hlinka Slovak People’s Party.
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Social mobility is a relatively common phenomenon in society; however, in the period of the Slovak State (1939–1945) it was predominantly caused by the economic and social engineering of the single ruling Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party. Anti-Semitism was made one of the main pillars of the internal state policy. Systematic pauperisation of the Jewish community gradually affected each perspective of everyday life of Jews in Slovakia, including the limitation of Jewish people’s living space. This practice led to involuntary moving out from houses and flats in designated urban zones. Subsequently, this process culminated in the Aryanization of the housing formerly owned by Jews. The main aim of this contribution is to analyse spatial and social consequences of the reshaping of the Jewish housing opportunities with special interest in the entangled social mobilities of both Jews and Gentiles, which will be mainly exemplified through selected cases from the Banská Bystrica district.
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The thesis of this article is that the cultural (collective) memory at the current society is a part of the political power. The cultural (collective) memory is an “installed memory” which is needed for the creation of the own image of society. It justifies and legitimates the existence of power structure. The power takes care of the mold of the societies collective memory. From this point of view we may not perceive the cultural memory just as an implement for differentiation and right to the political existence of some concrete community. Because it is about and of something else, namely it is about power which must be served from the collective memory. The power rules the cultural memory and the power takes a decision what concrete have to be remembered and whatnot it means what have to be forgotten. The ideology of power plays an essential role in this process. The cultural memory is an “installed” memory because the government decides what kind of fulcrums to be imposed into it with the purpose of this memory to work in service of the power structures. The cultural memory also creates a special psychology in its bearers and this affects their behavior and perception of the world.
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Objective: The article identifies the main economic problems Poland faced as a result of its military involvement in the 1919–1921 Polish-Soviet War. Research Design & Methods: Source material including legal regulations, statistical data and pre- and post-war literature were analysed. Findings: Financing military operations replete with supplies took a tremendous effort, and the consequent hardship was shouldered by all of Poland’s citizens. The situation weighed particularly heavily on rural populations, which were compelled to provide recruits and food for the army and civilians alike. The war ultimately ushered in a period of hyperinflation. Implications / Recommendations: War places a huge burden on state finances. It contributes to a greater state interventionism and imposes various obligations on the citizens. Contribution: The analysis of main problems of Polish economy during the Polish-Soviet War may be used for comparative purposes when studying similar issues in other countries.
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Regional headlines: animal rights in Poland; war of words in Belarus; military games in Eastern Europe; informal payments in Moldova; and Turkmenistan dusts off Parthian past.
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The following article offers a different perspective on the Bulgarian dialectological researches from the late 19th century. Its main aria of interest focuses not just on the importance they have for exploring and learning the diversity of the vernacular from the above-mentioned time period, but also deals with their practical application in the educational process from the late 19th century. The article addresses the first attempts on implying dialectological methods as a component of mother tongue education and Bulgarian language teaching, as well on the first known initiatives to organize extracurricular language practices together with senior-class students by collecting dialect material in accordance with the educational content. It highly praises the merit of mother tongue teachers from the late 19th century regarding the description and collection of the then Bulgarian dialects.
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Between the mid-1940s and the late 1950s the centralization and ideologization of culture marginalized the schlager-song practice from pre-socialist times. Performing and listening to this musical genre was recognized by the authorities as a relic of the bourgeois past and was at the same time regarded as non-aesthetic by the professional composers. In the 1960s the generational change and the penetration of the new modern Western popular culture in Bulgaria altered the focus of the institutions of the regime. The old-fashioned pre-war schlager lost its political incorrectness to a significant extent and gradually became a convenient instrument in the hands of the institutions thus allowing to cover the attention of the elderly generations.
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Established in September 1980, NSZZ “Solidarność” was not only a trade union, but also a great social movement, and a school of democracy for its own members. Starting from the democratically elected works committees, through National Coordinating Commission, the apogee of this social movement was the 1st National Congress of Delegates of NSZZ “Solidarność” which took place in the autumn of 1981.
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