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If we follow the lyrical alter ego who intones the above sentences penned for him by the real despot Muammar al-Gaddafi, then despots are a political species, defenseless, persecuted, and threatened in their existence.What is more, in the story “Escape to Hell” which begins with the passage just quoted, it is never once mentioned what is so “shameful” about the tyranny of an individual. Tyrants are not tyrants at all there: they are innocent,and they do not oppress others; they are the oppressed ones.
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Dok sam poslednjih nekoliko godina istraživala, pokušavajući da spojim delove onog što bi se moglo nazvati »fragmenti ratničkog diskursa« u Zapadnoj kulturi, slučajno sam naišla na sledeću gnostičku zagonetku: »Dokle će muškarci ratovati? - Sve dok žene imaju decu«. Na prvi pogled odgovor podseća na parafraze onih uobičajenih zagonetki iz detinjstva koje bi se mogle nazvati »Zauvek«, (npr. »Dok okean ne presuši«), ili na •Šekspirovog Magbeta (»Dok Birnamska šuma ne počne da se kreće/ Na njega i ne dođe na brdo Dansinejsko«). Međutim, pri bližem ispitivanju - ili bolje reći, posle daljeg čitanja tokom kojeg sam bezbroj puta naišla na analogiju između ratovanja i rađanja dece - učinilo mi se da ova stara zagonetka zahteva uzročno-posledičnu interpretaciju: »Ako bi žene samo prestale da rađaju, muškarci bi prestali da ratuju«. Ovo bi, naravno, moglo da bude truizam, jer ako žene prestanu da rađaju očigledno ne bi bilo muškaraca koji bi mogli da ratuju. U obrnutom smeru, ova bi tvrdnja mogla da podrazumeva - i to je implikacija koja se istražuje u ovom tekstu - da muškarci ratuju zato što žene rađaju. Prvo ću pomenuti nekoliko mitskih i istorijskih arhetipova koji uključuju teme herojstva i neporočnosti, hrabrosti i čednosti, a potom ću analizirati upadljivu ekvivalentnost izmedu materinstva i ratovanja.
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Answering the question of the importance of raising the question of Bosnian identity, cultural memory and representation in literature.
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The color of wine has crucial importance in relation to the quality of wine. Laboratory parameters of color are supervised by the International Organisation of Vine and Wine (OIV), and is intensity I and tonality T. It is also found that the subjective visual impression of the consumer is an important in the first step in his purchase. Consumer research survey, conducted in Australia in 2005–2007 on the 1643 wines, shows that red wines with greater color intensity are characterized by a higher class market. Color of the wine depends on many factors: the variety of grape, their ripeness, the winemaking processes, and age of wine. In the case of red wine, its color is given by anthocyanins, whose chemical properties are presented: their copigmanted complexes, also uncoloured cofactors capable to specific interactions and color changes in the environment of varying acidity of wine. That phenomenons are independent on time and were presented in ancient Greek wine like also all users of wine today, which is directly bind with tradition. Maybe the most different is mode and necessity of wines description. Knowledge about the nuances of color tonality, perception of wine and its origin is part of the oenological visual organoleptic analysis. The color perception is subjective and individual, and depends directly on the light conditions, but also of education, cultural background, experience, emotional state. Analysis of visual color of the wine contains the skills of perception, discernment and naming. These abilities can be educated and improved through education.
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The aim of this article is to discuss the activities related to exhibitions, research, and education of the „Centre of Documentation of Upper Silesians Deportation to the Soviet Union in 1945”. This local museum is an institution focused on filling the “blank spots” in historiography, retrieving the knowledge about the past, and breaking the taboo which has led to the state of collective oblivion under the influence of strong ideologisation of the knowledge about the past taking place in the time of the Polish People’s Republic. The activity of the institution is oriented at the processes of retrieving the memory that so far has functioned only in communication – that is, in private and unofficial – messages; it aims at retrieving this memory and transforming it into a collective, cultural one. The article endeavours to answer the questions concerning the very tabooed history and the cultural contexts of detabooisation that is performed by means of particular communicational strategies characteristic of contemporary museum activity.
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Kada čovek uđe u špenglerovsku misao i odomaći se u njegovoj viziji istorije, odista se u našoj istoriji otvaraju nove i verovatno plodne perspektive, koje su kadre da osvetle naše probleme na jedan nov i svež način. Kada kažem "naši problemi", mislim na istoriske probleme Južnih Slovena uopšte, koji čine jednu nesumnjivu celinu, naročito pod špenglerovskom perspektivom; jer tu ne može biti govora o nekim "posebnim kulturama", imajući u vidu pojam i značaj kulture u smislu Špenglerovom, kao velike i moćne morfološke istoriske jedinice. I pitanja o mogućim pseudomorfozama, o felaštvu, i pitanja o "uticajima" velikih kultura špenglerovskih, o sferi njihovoj, o pritisku njihovom na naše ljudstvo, i pitanja o više ili manje problematičnoj samosvojnosti i originalnosti – jednaka su i ravnoznačna za sva južnoslovenska plemena, koja u tom smislu čine neodvojivu celinu aspekta. Posle jedne špenglerovske "revije" naših južnoslovenskih istorisko-kulturnih problema, uveliko se mora promeniti uobičajeni aspekt pod kojim su oni, u većini slučajeva, dosada promatrani; tu se ne radi o više ili manje direktnoj primeni stranih evropskih formulacija na naše probleme, budući da špenglerovska vizija istorije oslobađa od uske i jednostrane evropske perspektive (u čemu i jeste njen veliki prinos modernoj istoriskoj misli) i stavlja ljudstva, plemena, nacije duhovna stremljenja njihova pod šire vidike, dopuštajući da se obazremo po šiem istoriskom terenu no što, je to običavalo biti dosada. T
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Srpski mit je bajka izatkana nitima od svile i zlata na razboju gorskih krilatica Vila. Obična pređa od kudelje osnova je tog čarobnog tkiva. Za ukras mu služe čudesne šare, koje samo nevidljive posestrime srpskih junaka znaju složiti i utkati u besmrtne, carskim vezovima optočene, pohvale narodnih izabranika. Sa sestrinskom ljubavlju Zagorkinja Vila plete vence od mirišljavog cveća iz srpskih dubrava i njima kiti narodne heroje kao večni ponos proste srpske duše. Srpski narodni mit ne slavi toliko epske događaje, koliko epske ličnosti. U narodu mit se stvara iz najvišeg kulta prema tim ličnostima. Kosovski mit se ne može zamisliti bez Cara Lazara i Miloša Obilića. Upravo, kosovski boj je samo spoljni okvir, a legendarni likovi Lazara i Miloša su unutarnje jezgro kosovskog mita. Neodoljivom silom rasnog nagona ti se likovi održavaju u narodnom predanju kao živa slika bitnih osobina i istrajnosti srpskog plemena.
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Neki istoričari bi ponekad, bar to nama laicima tako izgleda, radije pravili i proizvodili istoriju, nego se njome bavili. U takvim slučajevima istorija, umesto uzleta, beleži duboki pad. Srećom, postoje i oni drugi, čija odanost struci ne podleže sumnji, oni koji samo rade svoj posao. Upravo se u ovoj reči “samo” kriju velike razlike između ljudi koji se bave proučavanjem istorije. Nisam istoričar, nego laik, govorim više osećajem, nego kompetencijom, više naslućujem, nego što tvrdim - Latinka Perović spada u ovu drugu grupu.
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U ovom prilogu učinjen je pokušaj da se predstavi veza istoriografskog rada Ilariona Ruvarca i društvenog konteksta u kojem se Ruvarac sa svojim radom javlja. Članak nastoji da rekonstruiše reakciju srpske šire javnosti na Ruvarčev istoriografski rad. Budući i kraći osvrt na srpsku istoriografiju, članak ukazuje na problem odnosa prema Ruvarčevom delu u srpskoj istoriografiji u proteklih 150 godina.
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The aim of the text is to define and examine the concept of collective representations which was introduced by Émile Durkheim many years ago, but since that not many scholars have brightly analysed it. According to the author, collective representations can be described as the system of following elements: myths and stereotypes, collective memory, collective identity, axio-normative system (including culture and religion) and collective emotions. All the elements mentioned aboveThe aim of the text is to define and examine the concept of collective representations which was introduced by Émile Durkheim many years ago, but since that not many scholars have brightly analysed it. According to the author, collective representations can be described as the system of following elements: myths and stereotypes, collective memory, collective identity, axio-normative system (including culture and religion) and collective emotions. All the elements mentioned above are related to each other, so one can say that the system constantly works. That is why collective representations are not constant, they regularly evolve according to political atmosphere and ideological context.
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It is not a secret that Czech nation played important role in Polish history. What is most striking, however, our southern neighbour do not occupy key position in Polish collective memory. It is worth considering why both nations are not closely integrated despite joint participation in so many seminal moments of history. In the first part of this paper I will aim at defining key events that shaped Czech collective memory. Next, I will make an at-tempt to answer why in some of these Polish and Czech people retained divergent visions of the past. Finally, I will try to point to some attempts undertaken by both nations in order to bridge the gaps in collective memory.
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In article I am trying to summarise polish historiography about Gierek’s decade. Since the end of this period only 35 years have passed, but even now we can define some plots on that field. Historical literature upon that thing can be divided into four periods. In some of them we can find more or less critical discourses. The paper help us figure out which was dominant in current period. In that way we can recapitulate how was seen „the decade of accelarated development” in polish historiography, was it a „paradise”, or opposite.
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This paper discusses the subject of politically related street names which were introduced in Poland by the communist regime, as well as the attitude towards them in contemporary democracy. After World War II urban toponomy was widely used in Poland as a mean of ideological persuasion, commemorating persons, events and values related to the communism. The goal of such actions was to demonstrate communist domination and to shape social attitudes of obedience and acceptance of the existing order. During and after the democratic transition of 1989, street names related to the communism were massively removed, although many of them remained in the public sphere, especially if they survived the climax of symbolical decommunization of 1990. In this paper the most important aspects of the renaming process are discussed: political actors involved and relations between them (including recent intention of the central government to dominate this process, formerly belonging to the exclusive competence of the local authorities), arguments for and against streets renaming, most common trends regarding introducing new names, eventually controversies which arise in the process, especially concerning patrons whose relation with the communist ideology may be questioned. Additionally, results of a quantitative analysis are presented in order to examine the difference among various regions of Poland regarding tolerance towards still existing communist toponomy, which brings interesting results concerning former German lands, so called “Recovered Territories”, which seem to have incorporated the communist heritage into their identity in a much bigger degree than other parts of the country.
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According to the canonical, for the Russian cultural tradition and the communal consciousness of the Russians, poetic formula presented by Fyodor Tiutchev, Russia is – unlike all the other countries, inexplicable in the notions of profane knowledge – the sacred Reality. As Wladimir Soloviev appropriately recognized the nature of the accompanying conceptualization the world, it assumes, expresses and explains the understanding of Russianhood and Russia in terms of a “soul” and the “soul of the world.” In turn, according to the identification-diagnosis by Andrzej Walicki, we are dealing here with “Tyutchev’s imperial vision,” which, please note, confirms both the content articulated by the poet in the poem On the Taking of Warsaw as well as his apoetical political texts. In the theoretical perspective, co-created by both of these interpretative methods, it is worth looking into the mythical content and implications of the analysed vision of Russianhood and Russia as well as the mental-social basis, and the consequences, of its still lasting vitality.
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The Juche ideology, despite political and economic aspects, has influenced socio-cultural aspect in North Korea. Kim Il Sung’s doctrine is an important factor that strongly unites state’s inhabitants. North Korean society, which can be called juche society, was formed on solid foundations that have historical and doctrinal conditions. Furthermore, juche’ function is to mobilize and integrate North Korean society. It is also an inspiration to community activity. It provides entity’s progress but under collective. Additionally, North Korean society shows thinking due to juche ideology. The purpose of this publication is to show juche as an important factor that influences and unites North Korean society
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The article addresses the problem of shaping the centuries-long relationship between Polish people and Ukrainians from Galicia, and discusses the factors influencing the process of shaping the national identity of the inhabitants of Lvov. The publication underlines the historical and ethnic backgrounds influencing the people living in Lvov region and in Lvov itself. The article also refers to the issue of identifying Lvov residents as Europeans. The author of the article also highlighted obstacles preventing the creation of solid foundation between the inhabitants of Lvov to build a common regional identity despite centuries of co-existence. The destabilizing elements were primarily claims to the same territory. Despite the complicated history, there is one common feature of the Lvov residents which has been preserved – as the author of the article points out – namely, their European identity. This belief has risen to the rank of myth. The article has made a synthetic analysis of the mutual relationship between Polish people and Ukrainians from the 15th century up to the present day, taking into account the influence of elements of collective memory. The current relations between the two nations are relatively well formed. After joining the EU, Poland acts as a Ukrainian supporter, regularly defending its interests. This, as well as the Orange Revolution, Euro 2012 and the Revolution of Dignity contributed to the untightened relations between these two nations. However, despite these positive actions in common relations, the attitude of a decisive part of the intellectual elite of modern Lvov residents is more and more influenced by the mythology of the multiculturalism of this city and its membership “ever since” to Europe, with the dominant Ukrainian language, and simultaneous marginalization of thousand years of belonging to the Polish state, which in effect creates a fake image of the city and its inhabitants
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