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Interview by Želimir Bojević, with: 1. Bošković, Aleksandar 2. Popov, Nebojša 3. Radovanović, Dobrivoje 4. Veljak, Lino 5. Zajović, Staša 6. Stanovčić, Vojislav 7. Golubović, Zagorka 8. Gruden, Tamara 9. Arsenijević, Vladimir 10. Bogosavljević, Srđan 11. Đorđević, Mirko 12. Lukić, Svetlana 13. Gredelj, Stjepan 14. Simović-Hiber, Ivana 15. Hellman, Matias 16. Lučić-Čavić, Milica 17. Resanović, Aleksandar 18. Biserko, Sonja 19. Savić, Obrad 20. Kandić , Nataša 21. Popović, Đorđe 22. Kovačević-Vučo, Biljana 23. Mlađenović, Lepa 24. David, Filip 25. Perović, Latinka 26. Milosavljević, Olivera 27. Krmpotić, Vesna 28. Milić, Jelena 29. Prpa, Branka 30. Singer, Aca 31. Kovačević, Živorad 32. Janjić, Dušan 33. Pantić, Danijel 34. Barać, Verica 35. Kljajić-Imširović, Jelka 36. Gavanski, Bogdan 37. Matić, Jovanka 38. Tešanović, Jasmina 39. Knežević, Ana 40. Blagojević, Marina 41. Srbljanović, Biljana 42. Jevremović, Zorica
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Izbijanje Prvog svjetskog rata zasjenilo je izvještaj koji je mogao imati golem utjecaj na razvoj međunarodnog prava, posebno međunarodnog ratnog i humanitarnog prava. U ljeto 1914. godine objavljen je Izvještaj Međunarodne komisije o istrazi uzroka i vođenju Balkanskih ratova. Iza tog naslova krije se izvještaj koji je u povijesti zabilježen kao Izvještaj Carnegiejeve zaklade za mir, u kojemu su navedena brojna kršenja međunarodnih konvencija i opisani ratni zločini počinjeni za vrijeme Balkanskih ratova. Bio je to pionirski dokument koji na 448 stranica sustavno evidentira zločine počinjene tijekom Balkanskih ratova. Tom je dokumentu prethodilo stvaranje međunarodnog ratnog prava. Suvremeno međunarodno ratno i humanitarno pravo nastaje nakon bitke kod Solferina 24. lipnja 1859. godine. U toj su se bitci sukobile austrijska vojska na jednoj i talijanska i francuska vojska na drugoj strani. Bitka je potrajala 15 sati, u njoj je sudjelovalo oko 270.000 vojnika, vođena je po velikoj vrućini i na teškom terenu, a prekinulo ju je nevrijeme. U bitci je poginulo oko 5000 vojnika, njih oko 12.000 statistički su se vodili kao nestali, a ranjenih je bilo oko 23.000. Toj je bitci svjedočio švicarski poduzetnik Henri Dunant koji je napisao knjigu Sjećanja na Solferino.
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Neka od najtežih kršenja ljudskih prava mogu počiniti one institucije države čija je zadaća i svrha postojanja zaštita građana od nasilja i nepravdi. U pravnoj državi te institucije su, prije svega, policija i sudovi. Postupci korumpiranih policajaca i sudaca s pravom se doživljavaju kao posebno nepravedni i nemoralni. Ljudi koji su školovani i plaćeni da nepravde spriječe i ispravljaju, koriste se svojim znanjem i položajem da nepravdu ozakone i, često, da joj daju svoj doprinos. Pod korumpiranošću se obično podrazumijeva pristrano postupanje protivno pravilima i zakonima na koje se osoba javno poziva i koje je prema svom položaju dužna poštovati zato što je podmićena novcem. Osim materijalnog koristoljublja, pristrano postupanje protivno postojećim pravilima, zakonima i moralnim načelima može biti potaknuto sviješću da je takvo postupanje politički podobno, a da je ostajanje pri moralnim načelima nezdravo za karijeru. Taj oblik ‘’legalizirane korupcije’’ mnogo je opasniji jer predstavlja bolest društva, a ne samo izolirane slučajeve nepoštenih i nemoralnih pojedinaca.
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Sažeto rečeno, svrha kaznenih sankcija sastoji se od posebne i opće prevencije te od retribucije/kažnjavanja društva počinitelja kaznenih djela. U suvremenim pravnim porecima zapadnog tipa, težište se pomaknulo na preventivni element kaznenog sankcioniranja radi odvraćanja od činjenja budućih kaznenih djela i s težnjom resocijalizacije počinitelja, iako osuda i kazna ostaju sastavni dio izricanja kaznenih sankcija.
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Đurđa Gmaz rođena je 1950. godine u Sisku. Suprug joj je bio jedan od suosnivača HDZ-a u tom gradu. Od 1991. radila je u MUP-u Hrvatske. Kada je počeo rat u njezinom kraju, s obitelji je ostala u selu koje se nalazilo na crti razdvajanja sa srpskom stranom. Dana 16. srpnja 1993. godine kćer Đurđe Gmaz, koja se kupala s dvadesetak druge djece na Kupi, ubijena je rafalnim mecima koji su došli s druge strane Kupe, gdje su se nalazile srpske snage. Sin joj je tom prilikom teško ozlijeđen. Aktivna je u Udruzi civilnih žrtava stradalnika Domovinskog rata i godinama se zauzima za ostvarivanje prava civilnih žrtava rata.
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Nedostatak potpore državnih institucija, neprepoznavanje i nepriznavanje patnje žrtava seksualnog zlostavljanja u društvu te društvena stigmatizacija, često dovode do toga da same žrtve negiraju da su bile seksualno zlostavljane. U trenucima pisanja ove knjige, broj silovanih i seksualno zlostavljanih osoba na teritoriju Republike Hrvatske tijekom Domovinskog rata i dalje je nepoznat. Zabilježeno je 20-ak kaznenih predmeta za ratne zločine u kojima je dio inkriminacija bio vezan uza silovanje ili seksualno zlostavljanje. Prema navodima Državnog odvjetništva RH, Ministarstvo unutarnjih poslova utvrdilo je da postoji sumnja da su tijekom Domovinskog rata nad 182 žrtve mogli biti počinjeni ratni zločini silovanjem ili drugim oblicima seksualnog zlostavljanja. Dodatnim provjerama utvrđeno je da su neke od potencijalnih žrtava u međuvremenu preminule, neke su državnim odvjetnicima izjavile da nad njima nije bilo počinjeno silovanje niti drugi oblik seksualnog zlostavljanja koje bi bilo moguće podvesti pod neko od obilježja kaznenog djela ratnog zločina počinjenog nečovječnim postupanjem, a neke od potencijalnih žrtava otklonile su svaku mogućnost davanja iskaza. Prema evidencijama nadležnih državnih odvjetništava, ratni zločin počinjen silovanjem sigurno je počinjen na štetu samo 57 žrtava, pretežno žena. Od toga su u odnosu na 36 žrtava pokrenuti kazneni postupci koji su u različitim stadijima. Zbog kaznenog djela ratnog zločina počinjenog silovanjem osuđeno je 15 počinitelja.
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The terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 on the United States and generated a significant increase in legislation on the fight against terrorism at national and European level. Given the seriousness of these offences, judicial cooperation between States is indispensable. In this context, both substantial and procedural instruments are taken into account to provide the necessary measures to prevent and combat terrorism. These include the European Arrest Warrant within the European Union. However, there are two major risks associated with this supposed fight against terrorism. These include the European Arrest Warrant within the European Union. However, there are two major risks associated with this supposed fight against terrorism. The first risk is the creation of a so-called „criminal security law” that could undermine the legal safeguards and fundamental rights of individuals. The second risk is the questionable violation of human rights by some of these procedural measures. In the field of judicial cooperation in criminal matters, judicial cooperation between Member States focuses mainly on the nature and characteristics of terrorism, an offence that does not respect territorial boundaries at all. The „criminal security law”, in the context of the war in Ukraine, has become, more than ever, a subject of great topicality.We will examine the provisions proposed by the draft EU Constitution on the material and procedural instruments used in the fight against terrorism in the field of judicial cooperation in criminal matters. In this context, we believe that it is crucial to adopt alternative instruments that protect citizens' civil liberties and human rights. Only in this way will fair and equitable judicial cooperation between the various Member States be possible.
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The profile of a spy of calibre in the history of Romanian intelligence is the focus of a qualitative meta-analysis that proposes to focus attention on his professional performance recorded in successful operations. It is unfair to place his world-class work in the background and to highlight the ideas that he damaged NATO, that he was manipulated by the French intelligence services for the benefit of the Russians. The hypothesis is structured around the research question: is Mihai Caraman a victim of history or not? Suspicions are woven around the good French-Romanian relations during the De Gaulle regime, Caraman can boast a prodigious intelligence gathering activity. His indisputable merits build and maintain a leader of vocation, affirmed in the creation and coordination of the Network that bears his name.
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We chose this subject because we believe it represents a head topic for public order activity, especially regarding law enforcement. In the content of the article, we decided to approach some of the similarities in the provisions of the Criminal Code, Law no. 61/1991, respectively Law no. 4/2008.Analyzing the normative framework from the perspective of law enforcement by public order bodies, certain existing challenges can be found during the execution of the missions in terms of the legal framing of the facts, respectively risks that fall on the erroneous application of a misdemeanor punishment for committing an act of a criminal nature. At the same time, it was analysed the managing of a specific case in the sports environment by the bodies empowered to apply sanctions or to ascertain the commission of the act (eg: the statements of former coach Oprița Daniel from the fall of 2022, in the context of confrontations between the gendarmes and CSA Steaua supporters which resulted in acts of violence).
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Nowadays, social media represents the place where all the activities of an individual take place (from opinions about an event, musical preferences, intentions, public debates to passions), he presents and transpose his life from the real world to the virtual one. At the same time, social media is a threat to security, being a method by which terrorist activities, riots, abuses are organized and coordinated. In order to understand the new security environment and to respond to the challenges, the intelligence services introduced the concept of Social Media Intelligence, through which they can understand and prevent events, can analyze the mood of the society and its preferences.
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Nowadays, worldwide, there is a major increase in losses caused by natural disasters, in a situation where the frequency of occurrence of destructive natural phenomena is relatively constant. It can be said that we are still powerless in the face of natural disasters and that we have to learn to live permanently and consciously with the risk of producing such destructive phenomena. Reducing the vulnerability of urban communities to disasters is a complex process and requires an integrated approach involving prevention, preparedness and emergency response measures. This is also a major concern in disaster risk management. Urban communities are exposed to a range of disaster risks, such as earthquakes, floods, fires, storms and heat waves, and these can have serious consequences for people's lives, the environment and Property.There are a number of measures that can be taken to reduce the vulnerability of urban communities to disasters, as follows:• Identification and assessment of risks specific to the community• Sustainable urban planning• Making investments in infrastructure• Early warning systems• Educating and informing the community• Development and implementation of evacuation plans• Development of a communication network• Preparing the population to respond in case of emergencyBy taking such measures, urban communities can become more resilient to disasters and better prepared to deal with emergencies.The negative effects generated by disasters should rather be seen as an opportunity for the initiation of regional sustainable development programs. Rather, disasters should be seen as an opportunity to implement profound social and economic change.
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The political goal of the total demographic extermination of the Bosniac Muslim people in Bosnia and Herzegovina is evidenced by the criminal practice on the part of the aggressor, which tried to systematically persecute said people from the territory in which they always lived. Such a goal could not be achieved in another way, but by criminal methods of waging warfare. In order to cover up the aggressive nature of the military force use against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, presenting it as a civil war within an internationally recognized country, the Belgrade regime established a so-called Republika Srpska para-state and constituted an army of the said para-state, which made an integral part of the Army of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). The unjust and criminal political and military goals determined and directed the war of aggression primarily against the non-Serb civilian population, and only than against the other armed forces, given that most of the killed victims were civilians. The unjust policy based on the great-Serbian ideology against Bosnia and Herzegovina continued even after the signing of the General Frame-work Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter the Dayton Agreement), and continued up to the present day. This is just another proof that Serbia has not yet sincerely and in good faith recognized territorial integrity and the sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina, indicating that all anomalies and blockades in the implementation of the Dayton Agreement are a signal that Serbia, as of this day, does not consider its internationally recognized borders as being final. Such policy of the Belgrade regime is most concretely and indeed most destructively manifested in their attempts to cover up war crimes and glorify war criminals, aspiring to shifting the blame for starting the war and its consequences onto victims, and in that regard to equalize responsibility of the aggressor and Bosnia and Herzegovina defenders, ultimately to change the character of war. It is precisely the reason why the judiciary in the states that acted as aggressors against Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1991-1995 was burdened with anomalies resulting in blockades, even the setbacks in the commitments from the Dayton Agreement. This is the reason why trust cannot be built and reconciliation cannot be achieved on such foundations between the peoples and states of the Western Balkans. In that context, various concrete cases of unjust and illegal protection of war criminals should be analyzed, as well as numerous indictments fabricated by the Serbian regime and the Bosnia and Herzegovina entity of Republika Srpska should be considered. Obvious example of such practice is the indictment, including its confirmation, related to the events in Sarajevo’s Dobrovoljačka Street on May 3, 1992.
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The presentation contains an analysis and conclusions regarding the synchronization of national legislation with that of the European Union (EU) regarding the processing of personal data in connection with police registration. Proposals have also been made to change the legal basis.
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Restrictions to freedom and forced labour in the Croatian, that is Yugoslavian, legal system following the Second World War, during the period of “National Democracy,” was determined by a series of decrees, resolutions, and laws. From 1945 to 1951, the Yugoslavian penal code recognized four types of non-free labour: forced labour without the removal of personal freedom, forced labour with restrictions to personal freedom, corrective work and socially useful work. This article, on the basis of sources, literature, and above all the most important decrees, resolutions, and laws applied in Croatia, and elsewhere in Yugoslavia, during the period of “National Democracy”, from 1945-1951, reviews the matter of state repression and the question of the restrictions to freedoms and forced labour in the penal code.
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The work follows the evolution of the position of political convicts in Serbia in post-war period. Shortly after the end of the war, the position of political convicts was extremely bad and the prisoners were often subject to brutal torture. Prison conditions underwent gradual evolution in the period between 1953 and 1985, so that since the beginning of 50s, and especially during 60s and 70s, they grew better and better. Still, their improvement was limited by material as well as political and ideological factors and remained behind the standards of the west democracies.
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Author analyzes discursive praxis in confronting the past and reasons why such approach is considered as a stabilizing concept within historiography. The example of holocaust and its implementation within national and transnational memory of the entire humankind shows how history and memory coexist. Namely, a historiography is inspired by a new model of ethical awareness that imposes revealing of a negative memory in order to avoid repetition and manipulation of the remembrance, especially regarding possible retroactive justification of historical crimes. Generally speaking, such a concept of confronting the past opens question about “negative memories”, and maintains idea that not speaking about historical evil enables its possible return in the future. From the perspective of historical memory one can say that historiography today emphasizes its ethical orientation. Historians today do not have a monopoly on interpreting the past, and this fact enables dialogue between historiography and other scholarly disciplines. Namely, during the last twenty years many sociologists, anthropologists, psychologists, literary scholars and philosophers contributed a lot in the investigation of contradictions and anomalies that accompany transformation of a living communicated remembrance to the commemorative and institutionalized memory. The question of transformation of individual remembrance to collective memory is rather well investigated in the relation to the meaning and significance of social obligation towards a social group, especially regarding question of merging or debarring of certain memories. Author also points out some examples of making the memories in Croatia during the transition period in 1990s’. Moreover, question of rememorizing the World War Two (1941-1945) is discussed in comparison to the rising of social importance of the remembrance of the Homeland War (1991- 1995), especially in the relation to the decisions of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. The fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 and collapse of communism in the Central and South-Eastern Europe provoked numerous nationalistic re-interpretations in the small local historiographies. Consequently, some of the Croatian historians during 1990s’ treated their nation as a victim, and confronting the past was rather strongly present in the investigation of victims of communism 1945- 1990, which was necessary at that time because of the need to create a social balance. Nowadays some recent studies show that Croatian historians are more open towards new theoretical approaches within the research field of culture of remembrance. Finally, there is an open question of memorial function of the Homeland War 1991-1995. Namely, many analysts think that international justice has failed in the case of processing crimes during the Yugoslav war. If the International Court of Justice took more clear and undisputable position regarding crime against peace that was committed by Milošević’s Serbia during the aggression to Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, we could do much more effective work regarding negation of mass crimes and recurrence of genocide in Europe.
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The article deals with the definition of the legal regulation of insult of the President of the Republic and its punishment in the territory of the Czech Republic after 1945 up to the present. Due to the fact that such a definition has not always been made exclusively by legislation of a criminal law nature, the contribution will also focus on legislation of an administrative and private nature. During the elaboration of the contribution, mainly explanatory memoranda to the laws that introduced, changed or deleted the legal regulation of insulting the President of the Republic will be drawn. Periodical comments explaining the individual starting points of these legal regulations and related case law will also be a necessary helper. This will show an overall view of the legal regulation of insults of the President of the Republic in the period under review.
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In Interpretative Decision No 5/2021, the SCC ruled on the labour law issue of the application of the new ground for dismissal of pedagogical specialists, in respect of which a contradictory practice of the SCC itself has accumulated since 2016. Since dismissal ground is conviction for a crime, the problem has significant criminal law aspects that the SCC has not taken into account, which is why the argumentation of the decision and the dissenting opinion suffer from serious imperfections.
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The current Bulgarian legislation empowers police authorities to detain a person deemed to have committed a crime. Exercising such power, in practice, results in restriction of one of the most important fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria, namely, the right to personal liberty and inviolability. A written order is issued for the detained person, which by its nature represents an individual administrative act, and, as such, must meet the five requirements for legality of administrative acts. The present paper focuses on the obligation of the police authorities to observe the substantive law, to state promptly the reasons for detention, as well as to eliminate any form of abuse of power entrusted to them. For the purpose of preventing unlawful and arbitrary detention, police authorities ought to comply with the European Convention on Human Rights and European Union law, as well as take into consideration the relevant case-law of the European Court of Human Rights and the case-law of the Court of Justice of the EU.
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