ROMANIAN POLITICIANS CONNECTED WITH THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELATIONS BETWEEN ROMANIA AND COLOMBIA (1965- 1989)

Author(s): Lavinia Dumitrașcu / Language(s): English Issue: 1+2/2015

The present paper, - based on the documents from the Romanian and Colombian archives, as well as on the press in the two states-, presents the Romanian diplomats activity in Colombia: ambassadors Dumitru Moianu and Gheorghe Dobra, as well as economic counsellors V. Steriopol and D. Berzovan. In the same time, the paper deals with the first visit paid by a president of an European communist party in Latin America, meaning president of Romania, Nicolae Ceauşescu, in Colombia. This visit opened a free way to the bilateral contacts between the two countries, in many fields of activity.

THE POSITION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA TOWARDS THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS AND THE EUROPEAN SOCIALIST COUNTRIES AFTER THE 20TH CONGRESS OF THE SOVIET UNION COMMUNIST PARTY

Author(s): Emy-Maria Mogoș / Language(s): English Issue: 1+2/2015

The starting point of the Sino-Soviet conflict was represented by the 20th Congress of the Soviet Union Communist Party in the period 14-25 February 1956. The impact of the denouncement of the personality cult and the Stalin’s public conviction was viewed differently from one country to another, depending on the national characteristics and the political-economic situation. Despite the reluctance towards the decisions that were adopted on the 20th Congress of the SUCP, the Chinese leaders wanted to maintain a close relationship with the Soviet Union, but, at the same time, decided to follow their own way in the edification of the socialism according to the national specific characteristics, represented by the defiance of the Soviet leadership and challenging it to a competition, both political and ideological. Since the 50s, the People's Republic of China, together with the leaders of the European Socialist countries, started to get involved in normal party relationships, regular mutual visits between the governments and institutions, cooperated within the organizations and international conferences, made commercial exchanges that were very significant in the Chinese export trade, there was a significant economic cooperation through industrial partnerships, scientific, technological and cultural cooperation projects, students and sports people exchanges, etc. The Chinese authorities seemed satisfied with these relationships, until the mid-60s, when the Sino-Soviet rupture took place. The difference mainly appeared in the public arguments of the Communist Party of China and the Soviet Union Communist Party about the Marxist-Leninist ideology, affecting the party and state relationships. In this context, the relationships of the Communist Party of China with the European socialist countries were influenced by the positions that the People's Republic of China and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics had following the conflict.

THE DOBROGEA WALLS IN THE WRITINGS OF THE POLISH DIPLOMATS ERAZM OTWINOWSKI (1557) AND ANDRZEJ TARANOWSKI (1569)

Author(s): Richard A. Mason / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2018

The travelogues of the sixteenth-century Polish diplomats Erazm Otwinowski and Andrzej Taranowski are important, but as yet overlooked sources on the Dobrogea walls as well as on local geography and toponymy. They represent the earliest Western sources for the Dobrogea walls and contain the first pre-modern mention of the forts which are an important feature of these defensive structures. Despite their value, however, these sources have not yet been included in the discussion of the history of the Dobrogea walls. The present paper considers the history of these documents and attempts to place them in the context of the contemporary Polish and German literature. Annotated excerpts from the original Polish and Germans texts together with an English translation will facilitate use of these sources by researchers. They will contribute to our understanding of the history and state of preservation of the Dobrogea walls in a period for which we are otherwise not well informed.

Dyplomacja na peryferiach. „Specjalne kontakty” polsko-norweskie w latach 60. XX wieku

Author(s): Michał Przeperski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2018

“Special contacts” developed by Norway and Poland during the years 1963–1968 may serve as a unique example of peripheral diplomacy. The sense of Polish initiatives such as the Gomułka Plan consisted not only in relaxing the political tension in Europe, but also on securing the western Polish border, which was not internationally recognized by the West. Hence, initially, political contacts between Oslo and Warsaw served as a way of exercising soft pressure on NATO countries to change their stance. However, they had other interesting aspects, too, such as promotion of Polish culture in Norway. It was 1968 that marked a final date of the “special contact.” It was the anti-Semitic campaign that took place in Poland that year, rather than invasion of Czechoslovakia, that was a final reason for this ending.

Budowa gmachu Poselstwa Norwegii w Warszawie w latach 1946–1949

Author(s): Emilia Denkiewicz-Szczepaniak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2017

The building an edifice for the Legation of Norway in Warsaw, in the years 1946 to 1949, remains one of the most important events in the Polish-Norwegian relations that took place aft er the Second World War. Alfred Danielsen, a Norwegian envoy in Warsaw, was the main initia-tor and organizer of the project. In sections I and II, we find a short biography of Danielsen. It includes the fi rst major actions – such as purchasing of the burnt-out premises at Chopin Street 2A and information about how the building works were started. Another section refers to the problem of adding extra plots of land situated at Chopin Street 4, and the way Danielsen resolved this issue with the Warsaw authorities. The next two sections refer to the building process, implemented according to the Norwegian Building Committee guidelines. Finally, the last section describes the repair works in 1949 and moving of the Legation to its own building.

Polityka zagraniczna Stolicy Apostolskiej po I wojnie światowej za pontyfikatu papieża Benedykta XV

Author(s): Mateusz Batóg / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2019

In a relatively short pontificate of Pope Benedict XV we can distinguish two stages: the First World War and the first years after its end. To a certain extend the war determined the character of the Pope’s activities, who during the war took measures to stop the fights between the parties of the conflict and after the war he fought to strengthen the position of the Catholic Church in new circumstances. In this way the Pope wanted to prevent the Church dependence on a state or rather a group of states, which wanted to have influence on the life of the Church and the faithful. It can be said that the actions taken by Pope Benedict XV allowed the Church to avoid it.

Polityka konkordatowa papieża Piusa XI w latach dwudziestych XX wieku

Author(s): Mateusz Batóg / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2019

Pope Benedict XV’s activities which were meant to settle the relations between the Catholic Church and other states after the First World War were continued by his successor Pius XI. It was obvious for him due to attitudes radicalization in some European countries, where totalitarian systems were formed and which strived to subdue everything and everyone to the regime. The Pope saw this threat in the Soviet Union which was hostile to any religion. The Pope wanted to establish diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union neighboring states and in this way to stop the spread of communism in European countries where revolutionary atmosphere was present and stirred up. He wanted to protect the faithful of the Church from being pushed to the margins of social life. Good examples of this papal policy are concordats with Latvia, Poland, Romania and Lithuania. Those concordats generally survived till the beginning of the Second World War and till its end.

BĂTĂLIA DIPLOMATICĂ PENTRU ROMÂNIA MARE

Author(s): Stelian Neagoe / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2020

The study presents the positions that Ion I. C. Brătianu - prime-minister of Romania at the end of the World War I - had at the Paris Peace Conference, during the negociations of the Peace Treaty with Austria. The Romanian prime-minister had the courage to uphold his country’s claims before the Council of Four, clashing with the representatives of the Great Powers. The impressions of Ion I. C. Brătianu, shared by letters he sent from Paris to the members of his family or the interim prime minister in Bucharest, as well as transcripts of the plenary sessions of the Conference that took place at that time, are reproduced in this study.

CRNA GORA U PRVOM SVJETSKOM RATU (1914-1918)

Author(s): Nenad Perošević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2019

This paper provides an overview of participation of Montenegro in the First World War. The emphasis is on Montenegro’s role in military operations, diplomatic activities of the central Powers and the Entente Powers regarding Montenegro and consequences of the War on Montenegro. Montenegro, the winner of the war, was not treated as such, by its allies, during the peace talks 1918-1919.

Promjene u definisanju spoljnopolitičkih zadataka crnogorske diplomatije u drugoj polovini XIX i na početku XX vijeka

Author(s): Radoslav Raspopović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2017

Njegoševa diplomatija

Author(s): Đorđe Borozan / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2016

Улог за будућност – школовање српских студената у Америци 1919–1924.

Author(s): Vesna Đikanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2020

Рад прати школовање групе српских студената у Америци непосредно после окончања Првог светског рата које је остварено захваљујући ангажовању америчке докторке Розалије С. Мортон. Напори у реализацији просветне сарадње, искуство и резултати школовања у Америци, перцепција улоге појединца у процесу модернизације државе порекла, лични ангажман, као и отвореност српског и југословенског друштва за утицаје са стране предмет су анализе.

Совјетска дипломатија о првим данима окупације Србије (април–јун 1941)

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2020

У раду се, на основу необјављених и до сада највећим делом непознатих документарних извора проистеклих из рада совјетске дипломатске службе, анализира поглед совјетске дипломатије на последице југословенског војног слома током Априлског рата, карактер окупационе поделе југословенске територије с посебним освртом на српски национални простор, успостављање окупационог система, образовање окупационих управних органа, прве политичке, економске и репресивне мере немачких војних власти, проблеми у снабдевању становништва, обнова разрушене инфраструктуре и евакуација дипломатских мисија из Београда.

Péchy Manó – a „mintahivatalnok”

Author(s): Judit Pál / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1-2/2007

Manó Péchy, presented in detail in this article, was the Lord Lieutenant of Transylvania in the period after the Compromise of 1867, and as such he had the duty to "conduct" the integration of Transylvania into the Habsburg Monarchy. Péchy, however, was not just a clerk, but a prototype of the conservative bureaucrat, loyal and pliant to the new political system, and in that having an important effect on shaping this period. Péchy was born in a newly-advanced ministerial aristocratic family in Boldogkőváralja (Abaúj county). He started his political career as deputy of Abaúj County in the assembly of 1839-40. His political pragmatism und conservative commitment and loyalty eamed him promotion to the post of Lord Lieutenant-Governor for Zemplén County between 1841 und 1848.The year 1848 was a breaking point in Péchy’s career. He retired to the country und renounced any office-holding activity in the years of the neo-absolutism. Péchy returned for a short time to his previous public career in December, 1860, when he became the Lord Lieutenant of Abaúj County. In 1861, however, he retired from office until 1865. One might say that Péchy’s career before 1867 is for a typical Lord Lieutenant. After 1867 the union of Transylvanian to Hungary was re-enacted. For the transition period of the integration,Count Manó Péchy was appointed as Lord Lieutenant. One can assume that the prime minister, Count Gyula Andrássy himself, nominated him for this position. First of all, his main duty was to put Transylvania's integration into practice und to set people's minds to ease concerning the ethnic and religious conflicts. This did not prove to be an easy task. Péchy was not familiar with the particular Transylvanian social und ethnic realities. Thus, the maneuvering between different parties und interests was difficult. The majority of the Hungarian liberals that came into power had a strong belief in the idea of a centralized nationstate. This model, however, could not be combined with structures of Transylvanian autonomies. The office of Lord Lieutenant gradually lost its significance after the end of the Gubernium in 1869. Then, in 1872, the government declared the union of Transylvania settled. Afterwards Péchy kept up links with Transylvania, being a Member of Parliament for Cluj from 1872 for three terms, although his connections to the Transylvanian policy became more und more slack. The fusion in 1875 between the two main political parties, led by Ferenc Deák and István Tisza, was a turning point in Hungarian political life. A new elite was born that brought a new governing style und concept. Still, Péchy kept his ministerial attitude und loyalty to the governing elite until his death. His path of life shows clearly that behind every successful politician there are the loyal civil servants who operate the political systems by their services that span different regimes.

„Великото хуманно дело“ (Българският въпрос в руската източна политика)

Author(s): Zhoro Tsvetkov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2020

After the Berlin Congress Russia’s policy towards the Bulgarian Principality has two aims: first to be the kernel Bulgarian people would unite around and second to set up a state in the Bulgarian ethnic community that would become а stronghold of its Eastern policy. Russia postpones the implementation of these two tasks until the moment where it will be able to defend them, by military force including. Bulgarians however,heading forward to freedom the soonest possible, do not fit in that policy and this separates the two countries.

Osmanlı Diplomasisinde “Musalahalar Devletler İledür” Kaidesi

Author(s): Hilal Çiftçi / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 26/2020

It is not possible to think of the experience of the Ottoman Empire in the field of Diplomacy apart from her adventure in the field of politics. Just as her political adventure was in a unique way, her experience in the field of diplomacy was likewise unique. The Ottoman Empire’s diplomatic activities through permanent representatives in foreign countries coincided with a late date like 1793. However, this does not mean that the Ottoman had not carried out any diplomatic activity before this time. For while the sultans of the founding period used the diplomacy as a tool to consolidate and enhance their political achievements, the sultans of the ascension period used the diplomacy as an indicator and a manifestation of their political forces. In the period when the state was weakened and fell out of power, instead of being the party determining the rules of diplomacy, she continued her existence with the diplomatic balance policy as a part of European States law. In other words, although the diplomacy was carried out in different ways with different missions, it had always been an instrument applied in the relations of the Ottoman Empire with other states from her foundation to her collapse. In doing so, the Ottoman Empire,especially in her politically strong times, adopted a set of principles of diplomacy which both meticulously applied by herself and accepted by her counterparts. The subject of our study, the principle of “treaties are between states” is one of these principles. In our study, we will try to put forth the diplomatic background of this principle and how it is carefully applied by the Ottoman Empire.

LOCUL MINISTERULUI AFACERILOR EXTERNE ÎN SISTEMUL INSTITUȚIONAL AL ROMÂNIEI (1948 - 1989)

Author(s): Ciprian Nițulescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 18/2019

This paper aims to clarify the role played by several institutions in the elaboration and coordination of communist Romania’s foreign policy. The author pays special attention to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and highlights its particular role within the institutional system and its relations with other state structures during the communist period.

Црногорци у југословенској дипломатској служби између два светска рата

Author(s): Srđan Mićić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3-4/2018

The aim of this paper is to analyze the main factors of selection, position and work of clerks from Montenegro in the Yugoslav diplomatic and consular service, since 1919 until 1939. Examination of general factors dominant in Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the representative offices abroad was base for further analyze which cases were in the line with existing practices and which were beyond the scope of functioning of the diplomatic-consular service. Analyze is based on Yugoslav archival material and relevant historiographical literature.

Историјски контекст обнове независности Пољске 1918.

Author(s): Radoslav Raspopović / Language(s): Slavic (Other) Issue: 3-4/2018

Hungarian foreign policy and wars of the 1990s in former Yugoslavia

Author(s): József Juhász / Language(s): English Issue: 1-2/2019

Only limited attention has been paid in the international academic literature to Hungary’s foreign policy on the disintegration of and the wars in Yugoslavia — as Hungary did not play a crucial role in the wars—and the issue has not even been covered in the Hungarian literature in a comprehensive way. However, Hungary was also affected by the wars of the 1990s due to its geographical neighbourhood, the Hungarian minority living in Yugoslavia, and its NATO membership (since 1999). The present study aims to contribute to filling the literature gaps by providing an overview of Hungarian foreign policy toward Yugoslavia at that time, relying mainly on Hungarian sources. The study demonstrates the involvement of Hungary and summarises the activities of three Hungarian governments of the 1990s — the Antall government, the Horn government and the first Orbán government — in relation to the South Slavic wars and international peace missions, focusing on the most important events.