Keywords: Dobrogea; Teliţa-Amza; locuire romană; aşezare rurală; Hallstatt; Dobrudja; Roman settlement; rural settlement
Les nouvelles recherches archéologiques effectuées à l’Est du site d’Amza, mettent en évidence la richesse d’informations constatées au cours des fouilles antérieures. En outre, grâce à l’interprétation des informations de la fouille archéologique de 1998, une série de lacunes a été éliminée. À présent, on a établi la superficie de l’aire habitée au cours des premières deux siècles après J.-C., qui comprenait environ 14 ha. Les vestiges de la présence hallstattienne ont été découverts, dans les trois travées principales (S12, S13, S14), sur une superficie qui comprend du Nord à Sud environ 250 mètres. Elle est comprise entre les courbes de niveau 113 à Sud et 95 à Nord. Le type d’habitation le plus fréquemment rencontré au cours des recherches est la hutte creusée rectangulaire ou ovale. Dans la campagne de la l’année 2000 on a étudié cinq ensembles d’habitation remontant à la première époque du fer. On n’a pas de certitudes concernant la limite occidentale de l’agglomération hallstattienne d’Amza parce que jusqu’à présent nous avons effectué des fouilles de sauvetage seulement dans la moitie orientale du site. La surface étudiée comprend environ 16 ha. Le matériel céramique découvert en 2000 couvre une période de presque un demi-millénaire (Xe-VIIe siècle avant J.-C.). Il est spécifique à la culture Babadag, IIe – IIIe phases. La céramique découverte dans les cinq ensembles d’habitations, mais aussi hors de ceux-ci, est dans la plus part fragmentaire. Elle complète quelque fois des profiles et des fragments plus grands des vieux récipients. On a découvert aussi des vases entiers qui ont permis leur complètement (Fig. 6). Le répertoire typologique de la céramique hallstattienne découverte en 2000 comprend: des tasses hémisphériques, pouvones d’un „umbo” à la base et d’une anse surlevée; des brocs bitronconiques, pouvons aussi d’une anse surlevée et d’un „umbo” à la base. Ils ont aussi un bassin bas, décoré d’enfoncements et de proéminences coniques sur la ligne du diamètre maximum; les tasses tronconiques ont la base aplatie et l’anse légèrement surlevée; les grands vases bitronconiques décorés d’enfoncements et de proéminences sur la ligne du diamètre maximum; des soupières tronconiques ayant des cannelures et le bord envasé ou hémisphérique au bord invasé; des tasses bitronconiques basses ayant deux anses surlevées et le décor incisé sur la ligne du diamètre maximum; des pyxides tronconiques, la base aplatie, décorées de triangles incisés; des pots en céramique grossière, au bord droit, élevé, ayant le corps légèrement bomba sis sur une base aplatie. Elles sont décorées d’une bande organique alvéolée, asise sous le bord. La pyxide tronconique à décor incisé à part les autres formes céramiques sont connues des campagnes antérieures.
More...Sibiu, august 2007... capitala culturală europeană. Cele două piaţete ale orasului s-au transformat într-o grădină fermecată, în care străini din toate colţurile Europei s-au strâns să-si împărtăsească arta. Undeva se juca teatru... ceva mai departe se cânta, alături puteai întâlni pictori sau sculptori, printre ei mestesugari si luptători medievali. Eu m-am retras cu un grup de tineri într-o tabără, dincolo de marginile orasului. Ne feream de forfota orasului si de „ispitele” lui. Ne aflam acolo pentru a studia teatrul interactiv si social, dar aveam nevoie de un loc numai al nostru, care să funcţioneze ca un laborator. Împărţeam tabăra si cu alţi artisti. Dimineaţa la ora opt se dădea trezirea, la nouă îmi mobilizam trupa spre marea grădină a taberei pentru încălzirea fizică si psihofizică. Respiraţiile, ritmurile, exerciţiile noastre atrăgeau atenţia tuturor celor prezenţi în tabără, dar nu se apropia nimeni de noi. Eram priviţi ca un grup misterios, bănuit de practici păgâne. În scurt timp, însă, ni s-au alăturat câţiva muzicieni din Franţa, Anglia si Germania. Vroiau să facă si ei antrenamentul fizic de dimineaţă. Într-una din zile, în timpul antrenamentului, i-am rugat să închidă ochii si să identifice toate sunetele din jurul lor. (Spaţiul era mai mult decât potrivit pentru un astfel de exerciţiu: eram adunaţi în grădină, cu iarba fosnindu-ne sub picioarele goale, si undeva mai departe se tăiau lemne, se sculpta în lemn sau în piatră, copiii din împrejurimi veniseră la atelierul de pictură si vocile lor umpleau în chip miraculos spatiul, iar de la bucătărie auzeai din când în când comenzile bucătarului neamţ.) Apoi am cerut participanţilor să uite pentru moment de sunete si să identifice mirosurile. Aerul extrem de curat permitea identificarea si diferenţierea unui număr bogat de mirosuri. Următorul pas a fost să atribuie fiecărui miros – un gust, fiecărui gust – un sunet, fiecărui sunet – o culoare. Le-am cerut apoi să închidă acest amalgam de senzaţii într-un balon colorat pe care să îl plimbe prin propriul organism, si cu ajutorul acestui balon să se privească pe ei însisi din interior spre exterior. Vocea mea îi purta prin urechi, creier, nas, gât, plămâni, inimă, intestine... Ajunsi în stomac, le-am cerut să spargă balonul, să împrăstie în tot organismul sunetele, mirosurile, gusturile si să păstreze, ca si culoare de bază, culoarea balonului. Când au deschis ochii, le-am cerut tuturor să „ghicească” culoarea celuilalt. În mare majoritate au identificat culorile celorlalţi, dar un caz a fost extrem de special, pentru că, aproape în cor, grupul a strigat spre un tânăr: verde. Era un muzician din Anglia. Îl ascultasem cu o seară în urmă si-mi atrăsese atenţia pentru că fiecare acord de chitară era urmat de un gest aproape „teatral”. Fata lui juca emoţii, juca sunete, juca atingerea corzilor. Era absolut fascinant: un om făcea un spectacol inedit, fără să stie asta
More...L L'evolution organisee et le cadre historique '491 an publ1que pour l'instant la premiere partie d'une etude quiva tiaîter finalement to\lS les aspects ~ajeurs· du theme. ' Apres 1918' l~ section departamentale Alba Iulia de l'Association "Astra" s'est, situt!e dans la zone moyenne \<t~s stmctures territoriales de, celle~i; mais ayant une activi~ cqns~re et pennanente. L'etudepresente le cadre general dans lequel ,s'etait derowe l'activj~ de la, sectiop departamentale. Les problems envisages du repertoire' des' aspects concernes sont les ,suivants: I - le contexte 'historique .local et national et i'impact surle vie cu1turelle; - les milieUx J sociau et profe~ionnels qui ont beneficie de l'activite ,de l'AssociatioD; - les assembleeB generales de la section, departamentale, les comi~s dirrigeants 'el leuc/cornposition; - les ~organisations successives, surtout ceJle 'de 1925-1926, quand s'ewt constituk la sectÎoo departamentale centrale, avec autorite exercee dans les autres" ~ompartiments !l!giona1es de Sebef, ,'Aiud, . Abmd, Vinţu de Jos, Teiuş, Ocna Mureş, (Zlatna;' . - la creation' sistematique des stmctures v~lageoises - les: cercles cu1turels. an prese:p.te. egalement. lapersonna1ite de certains presidents de (1. section departamentale, (1. Teculescu, 1. Sand~ R~ Boca, Eugen Hulea) et quelques secretaires (Zâhari~ ~untean, Horia TeeuJescu, Leonte Opriş, V~gil Cucuiu).
More...“Holocaust deniers and Holocaust minimizers are quite fond of citing the by-now famous line “There’s no business like the Shoah-business.” Nobody knows exactly who came up first with this rather tasteless twist of “there’s no business like the show business,” and it does not much matter either. In response, however, one could point out that the “no-business” is not doing too badly either. On top, the “no-business” is by far older than the “Shoah-business.” The roots of “no-business” date as far back as the perpetration of the Holocaust (ADL, 1997), for Nazi bureaucratic language carefully sought to camouflage the Final Solution (itself already a terminological testimony of the endeavor) under euphemistic terminology such as “evacuation (Aussiedlung) to the East,” “special treatment” (Sonderbehandlung), “subjects treated,” “suitable treatment,” (Benz, 1991:2; Shermer and Grobman, 2000: 185, 215-224).1 In addition, as defeat was looming, the Nazis attempted to eradicate physical evidence of their crimes, including in Aktion 1005 (the removal of bodies in the extermination camps and from mass graves and their burning),”[…]
More...Keywords: High Middle Ages; Zadar; siege of the city; military history; history of the medieval city; Venice; 14th century
The article presents the structure and functioning of the Venetian military using the example of the siege of Zadar from 12 August 1345 to 21 December 1346. The research was conducted on the basis of a textual analysis of the work Obsidio Iadrensis (The Siege of Zadar) as the primary source that describes the wartime events in that period. In the course of research, use was made of existing data on the siege of Zadar in 1345-1346 which remained recorded in individual Venetian and Hungarian narrative sources and in the decisions of the Venetian Senate from the State Archives in Venice (Archivio di Stato di Venezia).The objective of the research was to determine the key data contained in the work Obsidio Iadrensis for descriptions of the military and naval power of the Venice in the fourteenth century. The intent of this analysis is to ascertain the quantity of data and its credibility in relation to other sources which speak of the same event.Research has shown that the data in Obsidio Iadrensis pertaining to the Venetian preparatory military and diplomatic activities are meagre and do not provide sufficient insight into the extensive military preparations undertaken by the Venetian authorities. However, Obsidio Iadrensis is the only historical source that contains transcripts of the doge’s official letters to the denizens of Zadar, which testify to the existence of a secret plan by the Venetian authorities to send an army against Zadar. The decisions of the Venetian Senate also attest to this. The data on the Venetian command are also scant and do not provide enough insight into the overall Venetian military organization. The most important data in Obsidio Iadrensis are those which pertain to the description of military operations (battles and military tactics) and the military potential of the Venetian military (personnel, military equipment and arms).
More...Keywords: Tocilescu; Roşianu; Brezianu; Nicolae Bălcescu; Stamatiade; Fefelei; archéologie.
Grigore Tocilescu (1850 – 1909) a été peut-être le plus grand archéologue roumain du XIXe siècle, mais sa perception dans la postérité a été influencée de manière injuste par quelques-uns de ces contemporains. Dans l’article présent on essaie de reconstituer avec les outils de la généalogie – science auxiliaire de l’histoire – l’ascendance et les liens de parenté de ce savant, en partie sur les traces des recherches faites par feu l’historien Paul Cernovodeanu. Les Tocilescu étaient de petits boyards qui habitaient le quartier de Mântuleasa et qui probablement étaient originaires de la région de Prahova – Saac (Săcuieni). Du côté de son père, grâce à l’Etat-Civil de Bucarest on connaît l’ascendance de Grigore Tocilescu jusqu’à son arière-grand-père Drăghici, marié probablement à une soeur de Petre capitaine du corps des “seimeni”, grand-père de l’historien Nicolae Bălcescu. Le fils de Drăghici, le “clucer” Răducanu Tocilescu, marié à Păuna Roşianu, soeur de l’échevin Ioan Roşianu, a eu plusieurs enfants, dont Iordache, sous-lieutenant, père de Grigore Tocilescu. Selon le récensement de la Valachie de 1838, la mère de celui-ci, Elena (Elenca, Ilinca) née Brezianu, était la fille de Mareş Brezianu, fils, à son tour, du „polcovnic” (colonel) Constantin Brezianu, de Fefelei (aujourd’hui Mizil, dans le district de Prahova). Grigore Tocilescu a épousé en 1874, Irina Stamatiade, fille du banquier Nicolae Stamatiade et de sa femme née Aurelia Arvenesso. Irina Stamatiade était apparentée à des familles grecques et aroumaines de Bucarest, dont les Zissu, les Gherassi et d’autres.
More...Keywords: Cassiodorus' Variae, the Ostrogoths; Pannonia; Dalmatia; sixth century
The article offers an analysis of selected letters from Cassiodorus' Variae, which are important for late antique history of Dalmatia and Pannonia. The study is intended to be twofold: on the one part, it examines the information that can be derived from the letters about both provinces' political, administrative, economic, social and ethnic picture in the time of Ostrogothic rule over the Eastern Adriatic and Middle Danube regions; on the other part, it explores literary and political contexts and underlying ideologies that are present in the selected letters.
More...Keywords: Byzantine Studies; Romanian intelligentsia; Assumptionist community; L’OEuvre d’Orient; Vitalien Laurent
After a prolific four decades having Istanbul as their home base (1895-1937), the intolerant climate that engulfed Turkey forced the small team of Échos d’Orient editors to leave “the second Rome” (Constantinople/Istanbul) and seek refuge elsewhere. After considering few other options, in May 1938 the French Institute of Byzantine Studies (Institut Français d’Études Byzantines) was inaugurated in the so-called le petit Paris, Bucharest. Although this institution spent only ten years in Romania (1937-1947), it left a deep imprint on the academic circles (Romanian Academy, University of Bucharest, Institute of Universal History, Institute of Balkan Studies and Research, Romanian Numismatic Society, to mention only few examples). Unfortunately, for the French scholars of the Assumptionist community, headquartered at Christian Tell 18B, the rise of the Communist regime came along with their arrest and subsequent forced departure to France (October-November 1947). This article is an attempt to trace their academic close links with Romanian intelligentsia, and also their cultural and political involvement during the World War II and afterwards as these were portrayed in published materials and several unedited documents from different private and special/institutional archives, from Bucharest, Paris and Rome.
More...Keywords: Smârdan street;historical center;house foundations;pottery; Xth century;XVII–XIXth centuries.
During the XVII century the historical documents mentioned a „Lane going from the Princely Court towards the Greek’s Church’ while later on, until the second half of the XIX century the street was known as the German Lane. It acquired the present day name with the end of the Independence War in 1878. The 2007 excavations were the first ones focusing on the entire street. No archaeological remains were identified on the segment stretching from Lipscani St to Sf. Dumitru St. Foundations of brick constructions were exposed throughout the next segment, from Sf. Dumitru St. to Şelari St. Several fragments of wall foundations were observed at street numbers 30, 37, 39 and 41 and while dismanteling the sidewalk other short wall remains were exposed at street numbers 14, 26, 27, 28, 29. The excavations also uncovered the outlines of four XIX century constructions and one from the XVIII century. Other features included two garbage pits and remains of the old street paved with timber. The trench at no. 41 also yielded an area paved with small river boulders. A large number of pot sherds was recovered, resulted from various pottery types and also a large range of glass items. The majority was found within the cultural layer and only few from closed complexes such as pits or cellars. The ceramics was very fragmented, dating mostly from the XVII–XIX centuries. A major drawback constitutes the fact that this period is at the confluence between Late Medieval archaeology and ethnography, preventing a more refined chronology. The pottery material was grouped in two – the XVI–XVII centuries and the XVIII–XIX centuries, hoping that further publications will be more detailed. Mixed with the above mentioned fragments, isolated sherds, typical for the Dridu culture (X century) also occurred, in the soil resulted while digging the wall foundations.
More...Keywords: Precista Mare Monastery; St. Spiridon Monastery; bishop Ioanichie from Roman; foudation right; hospital; Ştefan Racoviţă
An important way of displaying piety, power and social prestige, the foundational act as a historical phenomenon in the Romanian Principalities raises particular interest. Contributions so far, quite numerous at first sight, are far from exhausting a topic which proves complex and, often, controversial. The article seeks to support this claim, as well the fact that the foundational act is a topic still open to new research in Romanian historiography. Starting from a set of unpublished documents – eight of which are printed in the Annexes – the author retraces the consequences of the dedication of the Precista Mare Monastery from Roman to the St. Spiridon Monastery in Iaşi. The dedication was made by Ştefan Racoviţă, the ruler of Wallachia, on September 7th 1764. His decree was based on the foundational right inherited from his brother with the purpose of using funds from Precista Mare’s huge fortune to support works at the hospital built at Constantin Racoviţă’s initiative in the yard of the afore-mentioned Iași monastery. It was concluded that the dedication was made abusively, without asking for the other founder’s (bishop Ioanichie of Roman) consent, despite him still being alive, and without considering the directives in the other founder’s will, Constantin Racoviţă, who forbade any type of dedication of his church to another monastery or religious foundation in Moldavia or elsewhere. The analysis of the sources shows that Grigore Ghica (III), ruler of Moldavia, the one who checked and approved Ştefan Racoviţă’s document, rather looked for arguments to support dedication, attempting to placate the bishop’s indignation. The latter’s protestations delayed the confirmation of the dedication act significantly and determined the ruler of Moldavia to reach a compromise so that the dedication would be accepted by the bishop. To reach his goal, the ruler conceded some points that violated a few of Ştefan Racoviţă’s foundational act specifications to the representative of the high clergy. Thus, after a few months’ negotiation, the bishop agreed to the dedication without giving up managing his church, which was expressly mentioned in the first confirmation act from November 20th, 1764. Another three confirmation acts followed, issued by the same ruler, in the following eighteen months, since the solution proposed by Grigore Ghica (III) as to the relations of subordination between the Precista Mare and the Sf. Spiridon monasteries proved unviable, poisoning the relations between the bishop and the Sf. Spiridon churchwardens. The dedication act was contested and attacked at the Court Council two decades later by Ioniţă Racoviţă, brother of Ştefan Racoviţă, with the support of his nephews, the children of dragoman Mihăiţă Racoviţă. The trial they started with the trusteeship of the Sf. Spiridon Monastery was judged by their relative, Alexandru C. Mavrocordat Delibey and ended with the removal of the Precista Mare Monastery from the tutelage of the Sf. Spiridon Monastery. In less than a year, in the spring of 1785, the successor of the very same ruler, Alexandru I. Mavrocordat Firaris, also called Pârlea vodă, annuls the decision, re-dedicating Precista Mare to Sf. Spiridon. Although they lacked the stamina to successfully contest the dedication, the Racoviţă family kept a vengeful attitude towards the trusteeship until late in the nineteenth century, some of them enjoying life-long compensatory annuities. Their claims were justified since the Precista Mare Monastery held up all their family’s land, which had been given away by Constantin Racoviţă in 1757 without having consulted with his brothers, who had an equal right to inherit the family fortune. The people involved, the genealogic connections between them, the nexus of motives, the political and familial solidarities, as well as the political context in which decisions were made are all explained to the effect of explaining the context in which the dedication was made and the contradictory rulings made by the monarchs. It can thus be seen that the dedication also had hidden purposes running alongside the obvious ones which might have come first at the time of the dedication.
More...Keywords: princely courts; city of Botoșani; archaeological testimonies; religious documents
This paper reviews the hypothesis relating to the topic of the princely courts of Botoșani. The lack of direct internal historical documents made it necessary to resort to political-economic testimonies from the period of Petru I, of Alexandru cel Bun and of his successors. Thus, by outlining the importance of the strategic commercial role the city of Botoșani played, compared to other neighbouring cities, placed on the Moldavian trade road as well, which were attested with documents before 1400, the privileged place of the city of Botoșani at the intersection of two international roads was highlighted, indicating an earlier existence than the towns of Hârlău and Dorohoi – cities benefitting from older attestations. documentary Then, by reassessing the oldest religious documents of the Armenians from Poland and Moldavia, who in their capacity of renowned merchants, settled down from the very beginning in this town, a new documentary attestation of the city of Botoşani was reached, established for 18 August 1388: the date of the Gramata of Catholicos Theodoros II, when according to some external researches, the name of the town of Botoșani is mentioned among other settlements. By this last attestation, the hypothesis of its existence as a town before the creation of the Moldavia state is supported, against the interpretation of the old documentary attestation of 1439, when the Tartars burnt down Botoșani and at the same time that of the possible foundation, in this place, of the princely courts by Alexandru cel Bun. Finally, by using new documents, a new documentary attestation of these courts was established for the date of 15 March 1601, as well as of the first princely priest, serving at the princely church of Popăuţi, put forward for the year of 1608. And on the other hand, on the basis of the indirect documents issued from Botoşani by Petru Rareş, since the second year of his rule, one can support the existence and the functioning of these courts starting with the first half of the 16th century. At the same time, the archaeological testimonies attesting their existence and location are also confirmed by the vornic [governor] of Botoşani, Nurod, buried and discovered at the necropolis of Popăuţi; as well as the probability of the voivode foundation here, as a princely church for the court residence of Botoşani.
More...Keywords: book reviews;
• MICHAEL BRIAN SCHIFFER, Behavioral Archaeology. Principles and Practice (with the assistance of Kacy L. Hollenback and contributions by Kacy L. Hollenback, James M. Skibo, William H. Walker), Equinox Publishing Ltd, London Oakville, 2010, 220 p, ISBN 9781845532871 (hardback), 9781845532888 (paperback). • ADRIAN PORUCIUC, Sub semnul Pământului Mamă: rădăcini preistorice ale unor tradiții românești și sud-est europene, Prefață de Miriam Robbins Dexter, postfață de Nicu Gavriluță, Editura Universității „Alexandru Ioan Cuza”, Iași, 2013, 213 p. • SORIN-CRISTIAN AILINCĂI, Începuturile epocii fierului în Dobrogea. Cercetările arheologice de la Revărsarea, Isaccea, județul Tulcea, Muzeul Brăilei, Editura Istros, Brăila, 2013, 242 p. + 41 figuri incluse în text + 74 planșe. • VASILE DIACONU, Depresiunea Neamț. Contribuții Arheologice, Editura Constantin Matasă, Piatra Neamț, 2012, 305 p. (cu 92 figuri) • Interconnectivity in the Mediterranean and Pontic World during the Hellenistic and Roman Periods, în colecția Pontica et Mediterranea, vol. III, eds. Victor Cojocaru, Altay Coșkun, Mădălina Dana, Editura Mega, Cluj-Napoca, 2014, 708 p. • Numismatic History and Economy in Epirus During Antiquity, Proceedings of the 1st International Conference Numismatic History and Economy in Epirus During Antiquity (Univeristy Of Ioannina, October 3rd – 7th 2007), Katerini Liampi, Cleopatra Papaevangelou-Genakos, Konstantinos Zachos, Angelika Dousougli, Athena Iakovidou (eds.), AΘHNA, 2013, 663 p. (cu 115 planșe) • IOAN MITREA, În descendența lui Pârvan, Editura Babel, Bacău, 2012, 338 (340) p. • RADA VARGA, The Peregrini of Roman Dacia, Mega Publishing House, Cluj-Napoca, 2014, 168 p. • Gotland’s Picture Stones. Bearers of an Enigmatic Legacy, Gotländskt Arkiv 2012, volume 84, Gotland Museum, Visby 2012. • MUGUR ANDRONIC, Istoria Bucovinei, II, În epoca marilor migrații și până la încheierea formării Moldovei medievale, Ed. Societatea Culturală „Ştefan cel Mare – Bucovina”, Suceava, 2014, 425 p. + 39 pl. a/n + 8 color, ISBN 978- 973-0-18050-3. • LĂCRĂMIOARA STRATULAT, Muzeologie contemporană, Editura Palatul Culturii, Iași, 2014, 200 p.
More...Keywords: peintures murales; iconographie de la Mort; Lamech; Fils prodigue; ancienne littérature religieuse roumaine
Après avoir présenté les différentes interprétations du décor peint d’une petite église datée aux environs de 1400, à Leșnic, en Transylvanie, l’Auteur juge les exagérations des interprétations sociopolitiques, en accentuant l’intérêt particulier de ces peintures pour l’histoire culturelle des Roumains en Transylvanie. Tout d’abord, pour être en mesure de poursuivre son raisonnement, l’Auteur analyse les documents médiévaux mentionnant le village de Leșnic et prouve que le commanditaire des peintures n’était pas nécessairement Dobre, un knèze local. À partir de cette découverte, l’article se concentre sur l’interprétation de deux scènes peintes sur le registre inferieur de la paroi Sud, où ce prétendu donateur aurait été représenté selon les anciennes interprétations. La première scène dépeint deux personnages : l’un portant sur son épaule un homme tué par une flèche, l’autre un bovin. La scène suivante, celle d’au-dessous, présente un personnage aux cheveux roux, imberbe et les bras ouverts, tenant une hache et une autre arme, partiellement effacée, dont on observe possiblement la garde et le pommeau. L’Auteur compare la première scène avec trois autres peintures similaires et contemporaines (deux en Slovaquie ; une dernière à Mugeni, en T ransylvanie). Les personnages portant des morts sur leurs épaules seraient des tueurs, mais la conclusion qui s’impose est que la scène de Leșnic sem blerait une tardive évolution margi-nale du thème. Les variations pourraient être dues au passage d’un motif initialement catholique vers un milieu orthodoxe. Pour arriver à expliquer les particularités de la scène de Leșnic (la présence d’une flèche et d’un bovin), l’Auteur examine les textes sacrés, en proposant l’identi-fication du premier porteur avec Lamech, le premier pénitent de l’Ancien Testament. Dans la scène, il porterait le corps inanimé de son aïeul Caïn. Le contexte iconographique renforce le sens de sa pénitence et Lamech renvoie par conséquent au poème-plainte qu’il prononce devant ses femmes (Gn. 4:18-24). Quant à la flèche, arme du crime, il s’agirait là d’un renvoi à la tradition des textes didactiques et apocryphes qui développent l’histoire de Lamech. L’Auteur part ainsi à la recherche du message général et étudie la figure de Lamech dans la tradition des Palaia, dans le Grand Canon pénitentiel de Saint André le Crétois et dans les homélies de Saint Jean Chry-sostome. Les interprétations proposées par ces sources exégétiques permettent d’envisager que le deuxième personnage de la scène peinte à Leșnic, celui portant sur ses épaules un bovin, ne serait autre que le Fils prodigue. La paire Lamech-Fils prodigue exprimerait donc la quintessence de l’idée de pénitence, une image qui trouverait sa place à la droite du trône de l’Étimasie, dans le voisinage du Sein d’Abraham et de la Résurrection des morts. Pour ce qui est de la deuxième scène peinte à Leșnic, le guerrier aux cheveux roux, l’Auteur convient que son message devrait compléter la scène précédente et l’identifie avec l’Ange de la Mort. D’autres Morts armées sont peintes dans les églises roumaines, quoique datant de l’époque moderne. Il s’agit d’une série iconographique répandue dans les Carpates, dont le premier témoin est une icône de Mshanets (Ukraine), datée du XVe siècle. Malgré le fait que les peintures de Leșnic soient précoces, d’autres preuves sont avancées en faveur de cette interprétation. Parmi les plus importantes, se détache une série de textes roumains des XVIe-XVIIe siècles. Ces derniers incluent des descriptions fidèles de la Mort armée. À cela s’ajoute l’inscription fragmentaire ..ОР.. qui accompagne le personnage. Quoique les scènes peintes à Leșnic ne comportent que des inscriptions en slavon, l’Auteur propose de reconnaître le mot roumain morte ([М]ОР [ТЕ]). L’argument principal est la présence d’un vocatif roumain dans l’une des inscriptions transcrites sur la paroi Nord de la même église. L’Auteur suit à ce propos une hypothèse plus ancienne, qui avait déjà so uligné les rapports d’autres scènes peintes à Leșnic avec les premiers textes de la littérature roumaine. La fin de la démonstration s’interroge sur les sources d’inspiration des scènes peintes (des textes sans doute slavons, traduits en roumain quelques siècles plus tard) et considère que l’église de Leșnic et les textes des XVIe-XVIIe siècles découleraient d’une tradition locale, d’inspiration sud-slave, dont le mûrissement a probablement duré plusieurs siècles. Si les hypothèses de travail des roumainistes, qui envisagent une éclosion monastique de cette tradition vernaculaire, sont exactes, il ne sera pas impossible de chercher ses débuts dans les monastères roumains des XIVe-XVe siècles. Le village de Leșnic se trouve au milieu d’un réseau formé par ces monastères. Quant aux premiers textes roumains, ils présentent des traits dialectaux évoquant la même aire géographique.
More...Keywords: copyright; printing press; book; publishing; printed work; privilege; censorship; legal deposit;
In the second part of the study "From the clay books to the digital books", the author summarizes the conditions that encouraged the birth of the privileges, the censorship establishment and the made up of the legal deposit. Also, the author makes some short analysis regarding the grant and the administration of the privileges in the next period after the invention of the printing press, the setting up of the censorship in the faded Europe and Romanian lands (in Transylvania, Moldova and Ţara Românească) and also the setup of the legal deposit in France and the Romanian territories. The study ends with the presentation of the present legal deposit regulations in Romania.
More...Keywords: archpriestship; Orthodox communities; official regulations; archive holdings;
The history of the Orthodox Archpriestship Câmpeni, together with its parishes, believers, churches or their priests, still remained less researched in spite of the great number of documents kept in Alba County Department of National Archives. Among documents of these holdings we also identified an important number of circular letters dated from 1820-1845 and signed by the first Romanian bishop of the Transylvanian Orthodoxes, Vasile Moga, as well as several personal addresses and letters forwarded by the hierarch from Sibiu to the protopope Iosif Ighian. Their rarity,following destruction of the greatest part of the Consistory’s archive, during turmoil of the revolution from 1848-1849, was the reason we chose to transcribe them wholly. Their content is diverse: complying with regulations on marriage (age of the young, kinship, the three readings of banns, concluding the contracts of free assent), appointing of protopopes, election of candidates to occupy the vacant positions as priests, correct filling in of information in the Registry book of parishes, printing of ecclesiastic books, exemption from taxes of the ecclesiastic servants. Special relation cultivated by the bishop with the protopope from Baia de Arieş is also revealed by a letter addressed to him when finding about the news on death of the prototope’s wife, but also from the text of the act by which Iosif Ighian was granted the red belt, distinction for exceptional merits and outstanding work in the service of the church. We attached them to the annex of documents even if they do not have the official character of the other documents exactly to illustrate also this side of the personality of bishop Vasile Moga. Our research is not exhaustive, other archive holdings belonging to Orthodox parishes and archpriestships from Alba County Department of National Archives, documents from the time of the shepherding of bishop Vasile Moga, following to be identified to set up a coherent and real image on what the religious life of the Orthodox Romanians from Transylvania from the first half of the XIXth century really meant.
More...Keywords: „Firmalampen” lamps; History and Archaeoly Museum from Ploieşti collection; typology; provenance; catalogue
The Museum of History and Archaeology in Ploieşti has an important collection of lamps, remarkable for its typological and chronological diversity. Unfortunately, just a small part of the about 150 lamps benefits from information regarding discovery terms and places, most of them been acquired from private persons at a time when the Museum of Ploieşti had organised its permanent exhibitions. A unitary group of twenty lamps belonging to the Firmalampen type stands out among the others. The popularity of their shape in the whole Roman world over more than three centuries, the quality and prestige of North Italic signatures turned them into models copied and imitated in local and provincial workshops. In the absence of any data regarding their provenance, the only possibility of a stylistic, iconographical and chronological interpretation of this group of lamps in the Ploieşti collection remains the comparative method, on the basis of analogies. Starting from the premise that, in most cases, the lamps were discovered by or acquired from their first owners on the territory of Romania, we have paid a greater attention to the Romanian specialized literature, which was statistically completed and reassessed with new artefacts. The name of the workshop’s owner is still preserved on sixteen lamps, while the other four have no such feature. Most of them, nineteen pieces in all, belong to type X (Loeschcke and Buchi), variant a and b, and only one to the type IXa. Of the ten different types of marks on the lamps under discussion, eight are of North Italic origin: CAMPILI (1 lamp, cat. no. 2), CASSI (2 lamps, cat. no. 3 and 4), FORTIS (4 lamps, cat.no. 6–9), IANUARI (2 lamps, cat. no. 10 and 11), LVCIVS (1 lamp, cat. no. 12), NERI (1 lamp, cat. no. 13), OCTAVI(2 lamps, cat. no. 14 and 15) and PROCLI (1 lamp, cat. no. 16). We must observe that FORTIS, the most common mark stamped on the Firmalampen type, is present on four of the above-mentioned lamps, thus confirming its popularity inside the Empire. Beside the marks already presented, there are also products of the local workshops of Dacia and of Moesia Inferior: ARMENI (1 lamp, cat. no. 1) and FLAVI (1 lamp, cat. no. 5). The signature IANUARI may be added to the same category, because its writing is quite different from the Italic prototype, so we may regard it as a local product. Among the lamps without a signature, worth pointing out is the one quite large in size (cat. no. 18), the lamp with three rostra(cat. no. 19) and the only lamp belonging to the type Loeschcke IX (cat. no. 20), which seems to be a provincial import, possibly from the German area. The lamps from Apulum and from Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa (both in Dacia), and from Durostorum (Moesia Inferior) appear to represent local workshops that used to produce imitations of Italic prototypes or marks with limited circulation. The general chronological range is between the beginning of the 2nd century A.D. and the middle of the 3rd century A.D. Only four lamps could surely be dated by the archaeological context of discoveries between 101/102–117/118 A.D., the time the Roman camp from Drajna de Sus, Prahova County was in existence.
More...Keywords: Bronze age; Metal age; Archeology; Bosnian and Herzegovina;
Das Thema der folgenden Studie sind die Einzelfinide des Raumes von Bosnien und Herzegowina, die, bis auf die obengenannte Sammlung, aus der Literatur bekannt sind, Die Museumsbestände konnten leider nicht durchgesellen werden. Das Problem, der Definition der Einzelfinide als einer besonderen Fundgruppe, blieb in der Fachliteratur jahrelang vernachlässigt, im letzten Jahrzehnt sied sie aber zum Thema einiger umfangreicheren Studien geworden.
More...Keywords: Calpurnius; Vergil; Ovid, Nero; Seneca; bucolic; allegory; emperor cult; panegyrical; golden age;
The allegorical conception of the bucolic genre that became general in Nero’s time led to a simplification compared to Vergil’s complex art of creating symbols. Calpurnius overcame the limits of a mere reproductive imitation exactly by making use of the possibilities of pastoral allegory; in Corydon’s figure he painted a bitterly self ironic picture of his own efforts to establish himself, of the controversies of patronage and the miserable situation of poets. In Eclogue IV he does not only reverse the lines of allusions from Vergil, Ovid and other poets but also key concepts of the Augustan age such as rusticitas, paupertas, simplicitas, vates and thus confronts his own age with its deficiency in view of the idealised rule of Augustus. The carmen amoebeum exalts the Golden Age of Nero, which has often been analysed separately from the narrative frame as a document of uninhibited adulatio, can gain its full meaning only in this context.
More...It is already well known, that in the second half of II – first half of III cc. the Chersonesos was the main point of Roman military presence in Taurica. But Roman troops were present as well in other places of South-West and South Krimea. One of such places was Charax. Monuments connected with presence of Roman troops of Roman army on the Ai-Todor cape were published and used in a scientific works but, till now still absent general historian-archeological work devoted to this castle. That“s why author consider that it is very important apply to materials of this monument and on the base of complex search of sources to show the place of this Roman point in the history of Taurica. On the base of analyzing of results of archeological researches in an article was given information about fortifications, inside buildings, terms and other buildings, which were fixed on Ai-Todor. Using the information detected from lapidary and ceramic epigraphic, author search the topic about quality and quantity content of Roman garrison of Charax and search about chronological frames of Roman military presence in this place.Author think that Roman garrison on the Ai-Todor cape first appeared in 60-th of I c. at the time of military expedition of T. Plavtius Silvanus, when on the ships of Ravennian squadron soldiers of navy were moved to Taurica. Exactly in that time on that cape Roman militaries began erection of point of support. Now we may speak about it only on the base of tiled fragments with Latin stamps because any strong traces of buildings of third quarter of I c. still not found. But Roman garrison at the South coast of Taurica was present there not for a long time and possibly was moved out because of events of civil war in Rome of 68-69. At the beginning of 20-th of II c. Roman garrison was fixed on the territory of Charax again. But it is still not clear whether it was located here until year 166 or it was short presence of troops connected with some unknown and extraordinary event of history of Back Sea coast area. In the third quarter of II c., as Latin inscription of 1984 witnessed, Roman troops already kept building works on Ai-Todor and from that time until second quarter of III c. vexillation all the time was based here. There are some foundations for the conclusions about working of lighthouse there and Roman troops controlled wide territory in a nearest environs and observed for the sailing along the South coast of Taurica. Now it is very difficult to say, when Roman troops left the castle. M. I. Rostovtsev considered that it was somewhere nearly year 244 and in possibly was connected with preparations of Philippus Arabus (244-249) to war against barbarians, who threatened to Thrakia and Mesia. But possibly, that Roman garrison left Charax in the second half of 30-th of III c. Because of earthquake when may be destroyed defending fortress and water pipes. After leaving of Roman soldiers Ai-Todor cape was occupied by representatives of Goths tribes, who made a graves with cremations in the neighborhood of ex-Roman point of support. Possibly, that their location there was agreed with Roman administration, which had in barbarians as allied of the Roman empire.
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