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A Ceauşescu-rendszer magyarságpolitikája II. 1974-1989
In the beginning of the 70’s and at the peak of his career, and having total control over society and its partial ’sympathy’, Nicolae Ceausescu began implementing his projects regarding the transformation of society, projects devised in the sixties. In 1971 the ’July Theses’ brought an increase in ideological strictness, while the following years have brought the changes: start of the territorial reorganization, increase of control over society, forced industrialization, and then economic restrictions. During the second half of the seventies, the general features of the Romanian political system are in place, and remain defining for political life until the change of regime in ’89. The Party leadership’s vision of the future has been defined by separatist foreign and economic policies, intensified industrialization and urbanization, refusal of political and economic structural reforms, construction of the homogenous society and nation, and last but not least total control over power concentrated around the General Secretary and his close entourage. The participation of society in political life became minimal, and the intertwining of state agencies with the Party evoked the Stalinist era of the fifties. The concentration of power, the fusion of state agencies with the Party were carried out on local levels as well. More and more key positions have been entrusted to the General Secretary’s relatives and family members, thus preventing the embodiment of an executive that could have opposed his decisions. The above mentioned economic and political changes have produced a visible transformation in the Party’s policy towards the ethnic Hungarian population. The relaxation of centre–periphery (Soviet Union – Eastern Bloc states) political relations within the Communist Bloc was used by Party leadership to redefine the country’s identity. The path of constructing the homogenous society and nation was openly adopted. By this time the Jewish population has already left Romania, while based on the agreements with the GFR, the German population was fleeing by the tens of thousands. According to the new interpretation, the ethnic minorities from Romania did not have the right to create national communities based on their own linguistic and cultural traditions, thus they did not become part of the Romanian socialist nation as a collective entity. Appeared new discriminatory laws: law on education, accommodation act, suppression of mother tongue usage in education and administration, removal of bilingual inscriptions, a visible emptying of content of the cultural products. Another clear sign of the radical changes in the policy towards nationalities was the gradual transformation of the activities of ethnic workers’ councils. At the beginning MNDT (Council of Ethnic Hungarian Workers’) or the other ethnic councils (German, Serb) also had a role of mediation between Party leadership and cultural elite. The new national political context has manifested by changing these council’s cadres, both on a central and local, county, level. Intellectuals that had defining roles in previous times and who in policies towards the nationalities have vehemently expressed their opinions, have now been overshadowed or changed. During these times, the state policy towards the ethnic Hungarians, the situation of the Hungarian population from Romania became the core of Hungarian–Romanian bilateral relations. Party leadership from Hungary, previously on a defensive position as far as its foreign policy was concerned, now due to the pressures from popular-traditional intellectuals and from the general public opinion, began to take this issue seriously, in a first phase on the level of the bilateral relations. In the beginning of the eighties the state was confronted with serious international economic and political challenges, to which the state should have responded in a flexible manner oriented towards reforms. The RCP’s leadership, purified from opposition, having total political and social control, has firmly rejected all initiatives of reform. This system with more and more prominent neo-Stalinist features, was helplessly drifting towards economic, political isolation, which it tried to counteract by nationalist, mass mobilisation and political-administrative measures. Due to the tensions it accumulated in its structures, during the eighties the Romanian economy was struck by a major crisis. The ethnic Hungarian activists and intellectuals that during the sixties still played major roles, have now gradually been removed from key positions of the state and Party apparatus, moreover they were classified as dangerous elements for national security. The MNDT has transformed into a propagandistic „speaking-tube” of the Party and was used by Party leadership for repelling criticism that targeted the policy towards the ethnic Hungarian population. The ethnic Hungarian’s political and cultural elite has reacted in different ways to the fact that Party leadership has egotistically closed down all channels of integration and have openly opted for an assimilation policy. Some members of the ’68 generation, an older generation that once was integrated into the political system and into the supporting cultural institutions, have openly condemned the Party leadership’s policy towards the ethnic Hungarian population. Others, however, have isolated themselves or have been removed from their positions, have left the country, refusing any further collaboration with the regime. There have also been individuals who for some reason,mostly personal, have kept their seats (especially in local administration, very few in central leading circles). The young generation, partially integrated into the cultural institutional network but not at all in the political structures, has realised that the system is impossible to reform. Lacking a national institutional network, during the second half of the seventies the activity of these individuals, groups was characterised by attempts of creating some sort of a framework of self-organisation. They have organised meetings at faculties, editorial offices, theatres, educational institutions, at first legally and then due to the harassment of the secret police, covertly. They have turned against the regime, criticising it. In 1989, when Communist Parties were falling all over Eastern Europe, in Romania the 14th Congress of the RCP was held. Similar to other regions from the country, Transylvania was confronted by an economic crisis, having serious problems with food and energy supplies, moreover towards the end of the year a total ideological stringency has been applied. The problems that had engulfed the whole country have only been aggravated by the changes that have occurred in matters of policy towards the ethnic minorities: institutions of the minorities have been stripped of all content and were intentionally weakened, significant repression of local ethnic Hungarian cadres, the effect of homogenisation, tangible pursuits of assimilation within educational institutions, nationalist stigmatisation of the ethnic communities etc. The minority society has been deprived of traditional representative institutions, and has only been kept together by informal networks, the Churches and groups of intellectuals who have spontaneously organised themselves on a local level. The ethnic Hungarians from Transylvania could only hope that the wind of change from Eastern Europe will sweep through Romania as well.
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Podstawowym celem monografii jest ocena wpływu unijnej polityki regionalnej na zrównoważony rozwój euroregionów zachodniego pogranicza Polski. W publikacji podjęto problematykę rozwoju regionalnego oraz opisano zadania polityki regionalnej Unii Europejskiej w niwelowaniu dysproporcji w rozwoju poszczególnych regionów. Następnie omówiono zagadnienia związane ze współpracą transgraniczną i rolą euroregionów w rozwoju peryferyjnych obszarów transgranicznych. Końcowe rozważania dotyczą statystycznej oceny wpływu funduszy unijnych na zrównoważony rozwój euroregionów. W tym celu stworzono wskaźnik zrównoważonego rozwoju euroregionów, a także przeprowadzono statystyczną analizę wpływu zmiennych cząstkowych na jego poziom z wykorzystaniem wskaźnika korelacji Pearsona i statystycznej analizy regresji.
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Dyskusja na temat znaczenia czasu pracy rozpoczęła się wraz z burzliwym rozwojem kapitalizmu w połowie XIX wieku. O wadze problemu świadczy fakt, iż głos w dyskusji zabierali z jednej strony antysystemowo zorientowani ekonomiści i socjaliści, a z drugiej – ówcześni papieże. Przyspieszony postęp techniczny, z jakim mamy do czynienia od kilku dziesięcioleci, wywołał ożywioną dyskusję na temat roli czynnika pracy w procesie wzrostu gospodarczego. Coraz większe znaczenie pracooszczędnych technologii przy jednoczesnym upowszechnieniu technik informatycznych, a także wzrost ceny siły roboczej pociągają za sobą pewien spadek zapotrzebowania na pracę. Istotne zdają się też być strukturalne przemiany w gospodarce polegające na przemieszczaniu się siły roboczej między sektorami. Proces ten, obserwowany od wielu dziesięcioleci, uległ w ostatnim czasie wyraźnemu przyspieszeniu
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The research objective undertaken in the present work is the analysis of the most important issues regarding the main reasons and manifestations of the crises occurring in the EU in the second decade of the 21st century, together with indicating the possibilities of their overcoming, and discussing their most important implications as far as the further realization of the integration project is concerned. It should be mentioned that only some of the consequences of the EU crises which have occurred in the second decade of the 21st century can be successfully diagnosed. Others will surely set in, only in a shorter or a longer term. Moreover, there is the difficulty with a precise separation of some reasons (sources) from the symptoms of the crises (e.g. the deficit of democracy in the EU). It remains a fact that further process of European integration has become much less predictable than it was a couple of years ago. There emerge various, more or less probable, scenarios of the functioning or disintegration of the EU and its main consequences for the UE member countries, as well as for both the European and the global international system. In the present work, the expressions “the EU crisis” and “the crises in the EU” are used interchangeably. Typically, in literature on the subject these terms are used with different scopes of meaning. The authors of the studies devoted to this problem, including the authors of some of the texts printed in the present volume, draw attention to the fact that a crisis or crises in the EU may be of fragmentary nature, concerning some levels or dimensions of integration within the EU. They claim that the crises in the EU do not have negative influence on the functioning of the Union as a whole. The EU crisis, on the other hand, refers to the crisis of the entire system, the crisis that is spatial and structural, and which poses a threat to the very existence of the EU. It should be kept in mind, though, that the multiplicity and the intensity of the crises, as well as the fact that there have been numerous crises overlapping in a relatively short time in the second decade of the 21st century, have resulted in the situation where the crises in the EU transform, as it were, into the crisis of the EU. Therefore, we have to do with the situation when the crises in the EU in consequence become the EU crisis. The present volume contains 24 articles divided into four parts. The allocation of some articles to a given part of the volume is fairly arbitrary due to the fact that the authors of some texts printed in the present work discuss the issues that concern both the reasons or symptoms, as well as the consequences of the crises under consideration. Because of this, several articles might as well belong to other parts of the volume as well. In the first part, entitled “The theoretical aspects of the crises in the European Union”, there can be found articles written by Zbigniew D. Czachór, Janusz Ruszkowski, Józef M. Fiszer, and Piotr Tosiek. Part Two, entitled “The determinants of crises in the European Union”, contains the studies in which the authors have exposed some internal (intra‑Union) as well as external determinants of the crises occurring in the EU. In this part of the volume there are articles by Dariusz Milczarek and Olga Barburska, Rafał Riedel, Jerzy Jaskiernia, Katarzyna Czornik, and Agnieszka Miarka. The most extensive part of the volume is Part Three, “The symptoms of the crises in the European Union”. Here, one can find texts written by Jacek Pietrucha, Sławomir Czech, Andrzej Podrazy, Michał Dulak, Bogdan Góralczyk, Ryszard Zięba, Mieczysław Stolarczyk, Joanna Ciesielska‑Klikowska, and Anna Pacześniak. In the final part of the present work there are articles by Agnieszka Nitszke, Justyna Zając, Artur Adamczyk, Monika Szynol, Magdalena Tusińska, and Tomasz Kubin. The present study is addressed to a wide range of readers. The editors of the volume hope that the articles contained in the present publication will contribute to the enhancement of the knowledge concerning the main reasons, symptoms, and implications of the crises occurring in the European Union in the second decade of the 21st century. They wish for the present book to become a significant form of scholarly participation from various academic centres of our country in the on‑going discussion devoted to this problem and the voice in the discourse concerning not only the fundamental issues of integration politics of Poland and other EU member countries, but also the matters of preliminary importance for the politics of the security of Poland and other countries, as well as international security in Europe and the world. Because further regression, and all the more the disintegration of the EU, would have difficult to overestimate implications not only for the European international system, but also for the international system globally.
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Good manners and ethical conduct are extremely important in interpersonal relationships in general, but they gain special significance in international and interstate relations at various levels. An example, especially on the professional level, can be diplomatic behaviour, which constitutes a specific compilation of historical traditions and contemporary good practices, based on legal and customary norms. // The book „Professional Etiquette & Diplomatic Protocol” by Andrzej Szteliga in an accessible way presents and discusses classical principles of savoir-vivre, professional and social etiquette as well as basic issues of diplomatic protocol and foreign service. Therefore, many of its pages contain such terms as ethics, professional etiquette, savoirvivre, diplomatic protocol, foreign service - explained theoretically and discussed in practice. The book, due to its character as an academic textbook, has a unique cognitive and educational value, not only for students, but also for politicians (especially young), local government officials and managers. The text of the publication is enriched by numerous photographs and situational drawings. // The work presents in detail the classic principles of savoir-vivre, i.e. issues related to greetings and farewells, getting to know one another and establishing contacts and the role of business cards in this process, conducting private talks and official speeches, the mastery of diplomatic, official and private correspondence, precedence (seniority) in professional and social relations, and traditional forms of address in various environments. // Further thematic blocks are related to the issues of the diplomatic protocol, i.e. to the basic elements of diplomatic and consular law, the characteristics of the rules governing foreign contacts (not only diplomatic and consular), the organisation of visits and meetings, the preparation and dispatch of invitations, participation in official and accompanying programmes, conducting negotiations and concluding agreements, a diplomatic ceremony, a flag protocol, placement of officials and guests and the order of speeches, organisation and operation of the foreign service in Poland and abroad (the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and bilateral and multilateral posts), awards and distinctions.// The substantive part of the work ends with a presentation of typical improper behaviour and gaffes, as well as advice on how to avoid them.
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Die vorliegende Monografie über ein neues Paradigma für lokale und regionale Entwicklung in Polen und Deutschland widmet sich einem Problem, das viele lokale und regionale Gebietskörperschaften in Polen und Deutschland gemeinsam haben. Es gilt, Lösungen für die Aufgabe zu finden, die eigene Wettbewerbsfähigkeit zu steigern und sich attraktiv für Investoren und Bewohner zu machen. Die Schrift enthält neuartige Vorschläge, die sich unabhängig von den grundlegenden Differenzen des Staatsaufbaus (Zentral- bzw. Bundesstaat) in die Praxis umsetzen lassen. Hauptziel der vorliegenden Arbeit war es, eine Art und Weise zu zeigen, wie sich die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit von Regionen von unten aufbauen lässt. Als Grundlage dieser Wettbewerbsfähigkeit von Regionen wurde für die Bedürfnisse der Gemeindeselbstverwaltung in Polen und Deutschland ein neues Paradigma lokaler Entwicklung geschaffen, das sich auf eine bessere Qualität öffentlicher Dienstleistungen stützt. Der Weg hierzu ist, in das Management organisatorisch-rechtlicher Formen die Theorie der Transaktionskosten als Element einzuführen. Vor diesem Hintergrund wurde ein neues Paradigma regionaler Entwicklung geschaffen, das auf der Zusammenarbeit der lokalen und regionalen Selbstverwaltung mit den öffentlich-rechtlichen Industrie- und Handelskammern beruht. Der erste Abschnitt bringt einen eigenen Vorschlag für ein neues Paradigma lokaler Entwicklung, das sich auf die erwerbswirtschaftliche Tätigkeit der öffentlichen Hand auf kommunaler Ebene stützt. Bei der Analyse der Rahmenbedingungen für die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit kommunaler Selbstverwaltung war es auch erforderlich zu untersuchen, auf welche Weise die Politik lokaler Entwicklung auf diese Wettbewerbsfähigkeit zurückwirkt. Durch die Bestimmung ihrer Rolle, ihrer Voraussetzungen und ihrer Funktionen im institutionellen Umfeld und auf Grundlage einer Managementstrategie auf mehreren Ebenen (multi-level governance) wurde ein neues Paradigma lokaler Entwicklung geschaffen, das auf der Vernetzung polnischer und deutscher Gemeinden beruht, denen es gelungen ist, die Transaktionskosten zu senken. Die vorliegende Arbeit stellt die Hypothese auf, dass das Betreiben erwerbswirtschaftlicher Tätigkeit der öffentlichen Hand, auch außerhalb kommunaler Dienststellen, durch lokale und regionale Gebietskörperschaften lokale Entwicklung bewirken kann. Es käme dann darauf an, die entsprechende Rechts- und Organisationsform zu wählen, um öffentliche Aufgaben im Rahmen erwerbswirtschaftlicher Tätigkeit zu erfüllen und so eine institutionelle Umgebung der zu realisierenden öffentlichen Aufgabe zu schaffen. Um die aufgestellte Hypothese zu verifizieren, werden im zweiten Abschnitt organisatorisch-rechtliche Formen auf ihre organisatorisch-rechtliche Struktur und deren Einfluss auf die Qualität der Erfüllung öffentlicher Aufgaben hin untersucht. Gegenstand der komparativen Analyse war die Tätigkeit der kommunalen Selbstverwaltung auf der Ebene urbaner Ballungsgebiete, in denen verschiedene Kommunen im Rahmen von Zweckverbänden, Vereinbarungen oder Vereinen zusammenwirken. Im zweiten Abschnitt liegt das Hauptaugenmerk auf Regionalpolitik und ihren Voraussetzungen. Sie wird als Faktor behandelt, der zwischen unzureichend entwickelten Teilen des Staatsgebiets für Chancengleichheit sorgt. Die Komplexität, Kontinuität und Dynamik der Prozesse zur Erhöhung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit erforderte die Darstellung, worin Wettbewerbsfähigkeit von Regionen besteht, welche Modelle es von ihr gibt und welche Indizes zu ihrer Messung dienen können. Wenn eine Region attraktiv sein soll, setzt dies auf der lokalen Ebene das Vorhandensein bestimmter strategischer Ressourcen voraus, die einer Region erlauben, im nationalen oder internationalen Kontext eine herausgehobene Position zu erreichen. Als Ressource einer Region gilt dabei alles, was die lokalen und regionalen Gebietskörperschaften sowie die wirtschaftlichen Selbstverwaltungsorgane besitzen oder wissen, und was ihnen ermöglicht, Strategien zur Verbesserung der wirtschaftlichen Ergebnisse der gegebenen Region zu erstellen und in die Praxis umzusetzen. Auf dieser Grundlage wurde das neue Paradigma regionaler Entwicklung erstellt.
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When political turmoil began in former Yugoslavia, European Community (EC) was not prepared for the conflict on the European soil. NATO sought from its members in November 1991 to act diplomatically in the Yugoslav conflict, while the U.S. which initially publicly supported Yugoslavia’s unity, later said that borders could be changed only peacefully. At the beginning of the summer 1991 the EC managed to arrange calming of tensions and withdrawal of JNA troops to the barracks, while Slovenia and Croatia agreed to delay implementation of their independence for three months. Brijuni Agreement was signed and the European Community Monitoring Mission (ECMM) was established which was supposed to oversee implementation of the agreement. At the same time Peace Conference on Yugoslavia was organized and the European arbitration commission was established, the so called ‘Badinter Commission’ which dealt with the legal dimension of the collapse of Yugoslavia. But the European Community’s efforts bore no results, the intensity of war increased, the UN took on the role of the mediator and in September it declared the arms embargo for all the warring parties. At the beginning of January 1992 cessation of hostilities was achieved with the UN mediation and in February 1992 UN Security Council brought a 743 Resolution about sending 14,000 troops to the so called UNPA zones in Croatia. Although Badinter’s Commission in December 1991 still had not sent its opinion and although the UN Secretary General claimed that “premature selective recognition of Croatia’s independence could lead to catastrophic consequences”, German Minister of Foreign Affairs, Hans-Dietrich-Genscher informed the EC ministers that Germany intended to recognize independence of Croatia and Slovenia which on 15 January led to Croatia’s recognition by the EC as a whole. In the beginning of April 1992, war in Bosnia-Herzegovina started and the international community did not manage to protect safe havens in that country.
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During the Soviet era, the lands of contemporary Central Asia were largely terra incognito for the outside world. Located deep within the Soviet Union, the region was isolated for much of the 20th century. During this period, Soviet Central Asia (the Uzbek, Tajik, Turkmen and Kyrgyz republics) and Kazakhstan (which was seen as administratively separate from the other four republics) were to an extraordinary degree controlled by Moscow and the institutions of Communist power. The sudden and dramatic collapse of the USSR under Mikhail Gorbachev at the end of 1991 thus marked an historic moment for Central Asia for it exposed the region almost overnight to the international community.In July 2007, the European Union initiated a fundamentally new approach to the countries of Central Asia. The launch of the EU Strategy for Central Asia signals a qualitative shift in the Union’s relations with a region of the world that is of growing importance as a supplier of energy, is geographically situated in a politically sensitive area – between China, Russia, Iran, Afghanistan and the south Caucasus – and contains some of the most authoritarian political regimes in the world. In this volume, leading specialists from Europe, the United States and Central Asia explore the key challenges facing the European Union as it seeks to balance its policies between enhancing the Union’s energy, business and security interests in the region while strengthening social justice, democratisation efforts and the protection of human rights. With chapters devoted to the Union’s bilateral relations with Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Tajikistan and to the vital issues of security and democratisation, ‘Engaging Central Asia’ provides the first comprehensive analysis of the EU’s strategic initiative in a part of the world that is fast emerging as one of the key regions of the 21st century.
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This paper offers a picture of the obligations existing under international and European law inrespect of the loss of nationality. It describes international instruments including obligations inthis field with direct relevancy for the loss of nationality of Member States of the European Union, but also obligations regarding loss of nationality in regional non-European treaties. Attention is given to two important judicial decisions of the European Court of Justice (Janko Rottmann) and the European Court of Human Rights (Genovese v Malta) regarding nationality. Special attention is devoted to Article 15 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which forbids the arbitrary deprivation of nationality. A survey is provided of possible sub-principles that can be derived from this rule. Finally, some observation are made on the burden of proof incases of loss of nationality.
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This paper focuses on situations in which a person is said never to have had the nationality of a country, even though (s)he assumed (and in many cases the authorities of the country concerned shared that assumption) that (s)he possessed that nationality. Contrary to situations of loss of nationality, where something is taken away that had existed, quasi-loss involves situations inwhich nationality was never acquired. This contribution seeks to examine whether a person should under certain circumstances be protected against quasi-loss of nationality. In order to doso, the paper first maps out situations of quasi-loss in EU Member States, describing typical cases in which a person never acquired the nationality of the country, although (s)he was at some time considered as a national. Drawing on this taxonomy, the paper attempts to uncover whether national, European and international laws offer some protection, and if yes, to which extent, for situations of quasi-loss. It concludes with outlining best practices which Member States should comply with in handling such situations.
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This study provides a comparative analysis of the national legal regimes and practices governing the use of intelligence information as evidence in the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Spain, Italy, the Netherlands and Sweden. It explores notably how national security can be invoked to determine the classification of information and evidence as 'state secrets' in court proceedings and whether such laws and practices are fundamental rights and rule of law-compliant. The study finds that, in the majority of Member States under investigation, the judiciary is significantly hindered in effectively adjudicating justice and guaranteeing the rights of the defence in ‘national security’ cases. The research also illustrates that the very term ‘national security’ is nebulously defined across the Member States analysed, with no national definition meeting legal certainty and “in accordance with the law” standards and a clear risk that the executive and secret services may act arbitrarily.
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The dividing line between law and politics is often difficult to determine. While overtly political actors tend to highlight their capacity to make and change laws and thus control the underlying subject matter of the jurists and so tame legal institutions, legal actors tend to down play the role of politics in their activities. Indeed, in the legal world even the word ‘politics’ is to be avoided as suggesting that its cherished impartiality and independence is sullied by political considerations. In this contribution I will examine a clash between law and politics that is taking place rather publically regarding the EU’s legal reaction to the UN counter-terrorism measure on the freezing of funds.
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The summer of 2010 will long be remembered in Europe for what has become known as “l’affaire des Roms” inFrance. The case has revealed profound institutional tensions at EU level between the French government and the European Commission and the European Parliament. The political spectacle that has unfolded has only complicated and added confusion to the actual nature and relevance of the affair from an EU perspective. In particular, it has obscured the legality of the eviction and expulsion of Romanian and Bulgarian nationals of Roma origin from France in light of that country’s obligations in the context of EU citizenship and free movement law, as well as its profound implications for fundamental rights protection. The Roma affair has constituted a severe test of the legitimacy of the EU’s AFSJ and the overall effectiveness of the EU’s legal landscape. The developments in France have demonstrated the limits ofcurrent EU enforcement mechanisms in providing a swift and depoliticized answer to contested national measures whose compliance with EU law and fundamental rights remains questionable.
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Both the EU and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) are major political and economic actors, and the development of strategic partnerships in selected areas between the regions is among the priorities on their respective agendas. The existence of complex visa policies and practices between the two regions, however, constitutes a fundamental barrier preventing the promotion of exchanges between these regions when encouraging people-to-people contacts, developing commercial relations or exchanging knowledge. This paper aims at evaluating the possibilities for the visa rules of both regions being modified in order to reflect the privileged partnership that the EU and the GCC are willing to further develop. It concludes by putting forward policy recommendations and three scenarios on the possible ways to overcome current issues and implement new strategies for visa policy in the context of public diplomacy and outreach in EU–GCC relations.
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In April 2011, France reintroduced internal border checks with Italy to prevent mobility by North African immigrants who hold temporary residence permits issued by Italy and who had entered the EU from Tunisia as a result of revolutions and war in the southern Mediterranean region. This has caused a diplomatic row between the two countries, as well as reactions by other EU member states and at the EU levels. This paper examines the compatibility of the Italian and French measures with EU border legislation and legal principles as well as the foundations of the Schengen regime. It argues that the Franco-Italian affair illustrates a ‘race tothe bottom’ on European principles of solidarity, loyal cooperation and fundamental rights. The affair ultimately reveals the very limits and unfinished elements of the EU’s immigration and border policies. Finally, the paper puts forward policy recommendations to the parties involved.
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This publication is the first in a series of four publications that present the findings of the research project “Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine and Cross-border Cooperation between Slovakia and Ukraine: Implications and Opportunities”. The research project was implemented by the Institute of Political Science at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Prešov with the support of the Slovak Research and Development Agency over the period of 2016 ‒ 2019 (project no. APVV-15-0369).
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This publication is the second of a series of four publications that present the findings of the research project “Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine and Cross-border Cooperation between Slovakia and Ukraine: Implications and Opportunities”. The research project was implemented by the Institute of Political Sciences at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Prešov and supported by the Slovak Research and Development Agency overthe period of 2016 ‒ 2019 (project no. APVV-15-0369).This publication includes a set of studies that presents the findings of theresearch into the impact of intergovernmental relations between Slovakia and Ukraine, including national actors in both countries, on the development of cross-border cooperation between regional and local actors at a common border. The aim of the research was to find out how bilateral intergovernmental relations between Slovakia and Ukraine have been developing in terms of creating opportunities and/or obstacles for the development of cross-border cooperation at regional and local level.
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This publication represents the third of a series of four publications that present the findings of the research project “The Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine and Cross-border Cooperation between Slovakia and Ukraine: Implications and Opportunities”. The research project was implemented by the Institute of Political Science at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Prešov and supported by the Slovak Research and Development Agency over the period of 2016 ‒ 2019 (project no. APVV-15-0369). The set of studies presented in these publications offers analysis of the policies and preferences of regional and local actors who are putting questions of cross border cooperation into practice. Through this analysis, targeted specifically on the regional and local levels, it will be possible to identify, in addition toclear obstacles, the specific opportunities or challenges for Slovak-Ukrainian cross-border cooperation in accordance with the institutional framework of relations between Slovakia and Ukraine on the intergovernmental level and EU-Ukrainian relations on the supranational level. We have attempted to find answers to the question of whether regional actors at the level of the Prešov Self-Governing Region, the Košice Self-Governing Region and the Transcarpathian Region of Ukraine, as well as actors at local level (towns and municipalities, including institutions, businesses and non-governmentalagencies), are able, in terms of their capacities and capabilities, to fully utilize the structure of the political opportunity created by exogenous factors (onthe supranational and national level of relations of the EU and Slovakia with Ukraine) in order to establish mechanisms for cross-border cooperation along the common border. Research into this subject issue also includes (among other things) the essential need to assess existing experience and practice inthe area of cross-border cooperation on the part of regional and local actors on both sides of the border and to examine their perceptions, motivations orstrategies in more detail. Starting from this framework, the project’s research goal was focused on understanding the individual associations between how regional and local actors perceive cross-border cooperation and the border per se. In addition, it is important to know and understand how institutions and individual subjects on the third level mutually and separately prioritize the importance of cross-border cooperation, what influences their perceptions of cross-border cooperation and the border itself, as well as their perceptions of the inhabitants on the other side of the common border. At the same time this is a mapping of those strategies that actors on the regional and local level set for developing cross-border cooperation with partners across the border, as well as towards their own national governments with the aim of achieving the most favourable conditions for the development of cross-border cooperation on the Slovak-Ukrainian border.
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