![Wpływ zjawisk kryzysowych na Ukrainie w latach 1991–2004 na aktywizację społeczeństwa oraz społeczno‑polityczne życie kraju. Aspekt wewnętrzny i zewnętrzny](/api/image/getbookcoverimage?id=document_cover-page-image_587938.jpg)
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In Syria, anti-regime demonstrations which started in March 2011 turned into violent conflicts and soon after a full-scale civil war broke out. The current situation of armed conflicts across Syria has caused widespread migration which makes Syria the world’s largest source country of refugees (UNHCR, 2014, 8). Before the conflict, the population of Syria was 20.7 million people (World Population Policies 2011, 491). Because of warfare in their countries 4.8 million Syrians were forced to leave their homes and sought protection especially in neighbouring countries such as Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq and Egypt (UNHCR, 2016).
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Research shows that definitions of in-group boundaries play an important role in the prediction of attitudes towards immigrants (Lödén, 2008; Meeus, Duriez, Vanbeselaere & Boen, 2010; Pehrson, Vignoles & Brown, 2009; Verkuyten & Martinoviç, 2015). These definitions in Turkey are conceptualized as national participation and national essentialism (Taşdemir & Öner-Özkan, 2016b; Taşdemir in press) although they have often been dimensioned as civic and ethnic/cultural definitions abroad (Reijerse, Van Acker, Vanbeselaere, Phalet & Duriez, 2013). National participation includes more inclusive criteria but is less likely to be associated with positive inter-group attitudes compared to national essentialism, which includes more exclusive criteria (Taşdemir & Öner-Özkan, 2016b; Taşdemir, in press). However, studies (e.g., Reijerse et al. 2013), conducted mostly in Western countries, show that civic or more inclusive definitions predict more positive attitudes towards the immigrants than ethnic/cultural or more exclusive definitions.
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Ky studim është i fundit i një serie prej tetë studimesh, për ndihmën perëndimore ndaj qeverive vendore në vendet e Evropës Qendrore dhe Lindore (EQL), gjatë procesit të tranzicionit. Qëllimi i studimit është të nxjerrë konkluzione dhe të japë rekomandime mbi bazën e hulumtimeve të mëparshme. Kërkimi filloi nga kurioziteti. Vendet perëndimore kanë dhënë rreth 40 miliardë US $ për asistencë teknike, për vendet EQL midis viteve 1990 (pas rënies së murit të Berlinit) dhe 2004 (vit në të cilin 10 vende të EQL, u bënë anëtarë të BE-së), dhe nga komentet e shumta të përfituesve në nivel lokal rezultoi, që një pjesë e mirë e kësaj ndihme, nuk e ka përmbushur qëllimin e saj.
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Shumica prej nesh orvaten të - kenë progres të dukshëm, në fushat tona të punës. Megjithatë, rezultatet mund të jenë të ndryshme nga ajo që ne duam të arrijmë. Shqetësimi për trendin udhëheqës brenda dhe jashtë vendit na shpie tek pyetja - pse ne shpesh kemi zhgënjim lidhur me mendimin konvencional për administratën publike? A nuk është e çuditshme që kjo gjë ndodh shpesh e më shpesh, jo vetëm në ”vendet e zhvilluara”, ashtu si ne i quajme ato, por gjithashtu edhe në – “vendet më pak të zhvilluara”, në – “vendet në zhvillim” dhe bile edhe në – “vendet në tranzicion”, vende që janë trajtuar me – “terapinë e shokut”?
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The contemporary system of international relations in Europe and around the world is quickly transformed in the second decade of the 21st century. The European security system as the main element of international relations in Europe is subject to considerable changes. The research objective of this work is to indicate the main challenges and threats for national and international security in Europe, which have recently caused a considerable deterioration of national and international security in Europe (reduced feeling of security and actual, objective security), also for Poland, and to point to the actions aimed at eliminating or reducing the challenges and risks significant for European security. In this context, main tendencies have been outlined related to the European security system in the second decade of the 21st century, such as reduced chances to build a cooperative security system in Europe, intensifying the arms race (militarisation of foreign policies of many states), increased threat of Islamic terrorism, overlapping crises in the EU, stricter geopolitical rivalry for influence in the post-Soviet territories, weaker tendencies towards the westernisation and Europeanisation of Russia’s foreign policy, increased tendency to exaggerate the role of Germany from the EU leader to the position of a dominant state, new, unsettling tendencies in the foreign policy of the United States in the first half-year of Donald Trump’s administration.
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The European Union has been in crisis for at least a few years now, and it has been forced to cope with serious and deep problems referred to as crises. Some of them refer to the broadly understood area of security and, directly or indirectly, affect this sphere of the activity of the EU and its member states.The article identifies these aspects in the most significant problems faced by the EU in the second decade of the 21st century, which are a challenge or a threat to this organisation, also from the perspective of security. It focuses on the migration/refugee crisis, increased threat of terrorism in the EU member states, the decision of the UK to exit the EU, the economic crisis and its aftermath as well as the conflict in Ukraine. Furthermore, an event from outside the EU has been discussed, but it is also quite significant for the security of the EU member states, i.e. an increased insecurity as regards the future of the transatlantic alliance between the UE and the USA after Donald Trump has become the president.
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The European Union, despite its status of “soft power” in international relations, in the last decade of 20th century decided to proclaim the Common European Security and Defence Policy, thanks to which the organization should acquire the necessary military capabilities, primarily for an effective crisis response. In the first decade of the 21st century, it gained operational experience and created reasons for further development, e.g. by giving the treaty authority over the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Despite the promising start of the co-operation in that area, in the second decade of the 21st century the CSDP was significantly weakened and faced with a number of challenges. The main aim of this article is to analyse the level of the co-operation within the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union in the second decade of the 21st century, taking into account the challenges and threats that the EU faced at that time. It will also be significant to characterize the Member States’ cooperation in the sphere of security and defence policy both at the end of the last decade of the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century, to indicate the prerequisites and barriers to the integration in this area over the next period.
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The first and second decades of the 21st century were a period of very dynamic changes in the international space. They have affected many regions of the world, affecting both superpowers and other countries. The most important trend in the evolution of the international system is the decline of Western dominance over the rest of the world and, consequently, the transformation of the global order towards multipolarity. Among the regions that have gained in importance in the last dozen or so years, the Far East is the most important, while the most important axis of contemporary world rivalry is the United States – China.
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At the beginning of the 21st century, Middle East was engulfed with intraregional conflicts, which were made international, as external (global) powers were involved in them; these powers have commenced intensified actions to be able to influence the events in the Middle East. The rivalry of the powers in the region is therefore multifaceted and multilevel. The rivalry of regional and global powers is not direct, though, which means that rather than any armed conflicts among the powers, there are the so-called proxy wars. Participating in the regional conflicts in the Middle East, global powers pursue their own particular long- and short-term interests, they support their permanent allies and commence activities in order to win new ones.
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This article selectively describes the general institutional shape of ECOWAS. The Author also endeavoured to point out the real importance and current position of organizations within the African Union. Finally, he outlined the most characteristic challenges facing this union and pointed out the reasons for its lack of rapid and effective development.
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The sense of the word ‘civilization’ has been changing rapidly. Especially in the era of the quest for globalization. The military sphere has become important in different other spheres. The political sphere continues to dominate. The first twenty years of the 21st century are characterized by the pursuit of armaments and the pursuit of military supremacy.
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The aim of the article is to outline the main reasons for perceiving CBRN terrorism as a potential threat to an exceptional extent. In particular, what has been analysed here are the factors affecting the risk of an attack, including trends in modern terrorism, likelihood of conducting a CBRN attack and its multifaceted effects. Furthermore, the Author presents the main means of mass destruction (chemical, biological, radioactive) for particular forms of CBRN terrorism, enriching the article with examples of their use in the past. The main research question concerns current national solutions (legal, organisational, and regarding the training and cooperation of public administration bodies and services) aiming at prevention, protection, and response to CBRN terrorism. The analysis has been primarily based on the outcomes of the Author’s observations made during his long-term expert activities in the field convergent with the article’s topic and the application of analytical methods (elementary, conceptual, causal, systematic, and statistical). Conclusions summarising the article regard the effectiveness of the national system counteracting CBRN terrorism, especially the phase of response after an incident.
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The article systematises and describes the role of individual organisational units of the International Cooperation Office of the Polish Police Headquarters and the databases used in international information exchange, including the cases when human life and health are threatened.The author analyses the possible actions that the International Cooperation Office of the Polish Police Headquarters may take while coordinating the activities ordered both by the Polish and foreign authorities. It should be remembered that the International Cooperation Office of the Polish Police Headquarters is the basic contact point for the Polish police, but also for other users authorised to cooperate through SIS/SIRENE channels, Interpol and Europol.
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This article tackles the significant issue of analysing personnel (personal) security. The Author decided to combine personnel and personal security. He used selected examples to demonstrate the interdependence of both notions. The objective was to prove the thesis that all changes, starting from general ones, such as geopolitical changes, to more detailed ones, such as legal regulations, should be followed by a change in the mentality of the officers, related to maintaining the ethics and commitment to the values of the formation for which the particular person works or used to work. It also refers to civil law and contract employees. In his article, the Author will try to answer the question whether there are clear rules regulating the conduct of civil service officers as regards personnel and personal security.
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How does migration affect the evolution of organized drug crime? Does it actually have the same impact on the development of any other crime? To what extent is it influenced by such factors as the people’s financial situation, their culture of origin, the problems or the reasons for moving, the place they settle in, assimilation with the local population or social exclusion, or living in their own micro communities? Herein, I discuss the Italian mafia in the United States, especially its development at the beginning of the 20th century, as the most telling example of such a situation. American structures emerged from a Sicilian-backed organization strongly anchored in the culture of indigenous Sicilians and later immigrants heading to the United States. High level of unemployment, poverty, and poor education have caused people who, in search of a better life overseas, were instantly marginalized. In this article, I would like to share my thoughts on this topic and support them with examples of research and ongoing issues.
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With the population of 4.57 million people and area of 12 333.09 km², Silesia is the region with the highest degree of urbanization and population density in Poland. The direct border with Czechia (the Czech Republic), the extensive network of highways and the proximity of two airports in Pyrzowice and Balice have a significant impact on the travel of thousands of people.These facts lead to the possibility of increased activity of criminal groups and individualsin the broadly defined drug crime. Year after year, the effectiveness of the police’s efforts tocombat this type of crime is growing, but despite that, the use of traditional drugs like mari–juana and amphetamine, as well as new psychoactive substances still exits. Although Silesiaas a region is very well connected, no increased criminal activity by foreigners is foreseen andtheir share of drug offenses in marginal.
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The article begins with a brief introduction to the subject, which includes definitions of the penitentiary system, the purpose of executing a custodial sentence, and the typology of penitentiaries.The characteristics of women’s crime have been extensively described. Theories of the causes of “fair sex” crimes have been cited, along with their brief descriptions. Subsequently, the focus has been put on the types of crime committed by women, based on statistical data from the police and the prison services. When describing the crimes committed by women, particular attention has been paid to criminal offences endangering life or health, suchas murder and infanticide as well as crimes against family members and providing care, specifically mental and physical abuse.The key element of the article is the specificity of how the Polish penitentiary system functions and treats women; it describes the differences and privileges applicable to female prisoners as juxtaposed with men serving a custodial sentence. Further, the article provides a detailed description of the situation of pregnant women and single mothers taking care of children up to three years. Described in the text, there are also disadvantageous situations resulting from gender division. Finally, the characteristics of the group of female prisoners detained in the Lubliniec Prison are presented. In addition to profiling, the article also offers an examination of selected rehabilitation programs implemented in the same prison in recent years.
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