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Review of: VÍTĚZSLAV PRCHAL, Společenstvo hrdinů. Válka a reprezentační strategie českomoravské aristokracie, 1550–1750, Praha 2016, Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, 558 s., ISBN 978-80-7422-279-5
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Review of: VÍTĚZSLAV PRCHAL, Společenstvo hrdinů. Válka a reprezentační strategie českomoravské aristokracie, 1550–1750, Praha 2016, Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, 558 s., ISBN 978-80-7422-279-5
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The conquest of the Vandal state by the army of Emperor Justinian is sometimes regarded as the retaking of former Roman provinces and the liberation of the Roman population from foreign rule. However, the Roman commanders operating in those territories did not consider the loyalty of the local inhabitants as something obvious. In fact, they had undertaken several measures aimed at gaining favour with the future subjects of the Roman Empire. The goal of this article is to trace the actions undertaken by the Roman military and administrative authorities towards the civilian population in the recaptured territories as a consequence of the Roman campaign in Africa, as well as the popular response, especially in relation to its possible significance to the course of the military operations in question. The study concentrates not only on the campaign of 533 A.D., but also takes into account the subsequent 15 years of conflicts, during which Roman rule over the recaptured territories became more stable and consolidated.
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This article is a short summary of the History of the Hungarian People’s Army (Magyar Néphadsereg), with emphasis placed on its operational tasks, structure and planned wartime application during the Cold War period. The Hungarian People’s Republic was a member of the Warsaw Pact, so the above mentioned tasks were signed in Moscow, and the planned deployment of the country’s military was covered by the Soviet South-Western Theater of Military Operations so-called Northern-Italian and Danube Valley Operational Directions.
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Almost immediately after commencement of the Polish-Ukrainian battle for Lwów in November 1918, aid for wounded soldiers and civilians began on the Polish side. The history of the sanitary service of the Polish Army in Lwów, the city motto of which was „always faithful”, can be divided into two periods – before and after 7 November 1918. On this date the Polish military reorganized its forces, creating units aimed at maintaining or capturing individual parts of Lwów. A group of orderlies were assigned to each of these units, and at least one doctor was present. Medical care for the seriously wounded was provided by two hospitals that were located at the rear of the Polish forces. Polish doctors and paramedics helped almost one thousand wounded and sick soldiers and civilians. However, the orderlies themselves suffered casualties during the conflict, which included 7 dead and at least 27 wounded, whilst one orderly went missing and a further 2 were taken prisoner.
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Review of: Artykuł recenzyjny monografii naukowej pt. Военспецы. Очерки о бывших офицерах, стоявших у истоков Красной армии Андрей Владиславович Ганин, Военспецы. Очерки о бывших офицерах, стоявших у истоков Красной армии (Москва: Москва: Кучково поле, 2022), ss. 786.
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This article provides a detailed analysis of the actions conducted by units of the German 10th Infantry Division in the final phase of the Battle of Verdun in December 1916. The study covers such issues as the influence of the terrain on the course of the battle, the characteristics of the positions held, the tactics and combat effectiveness of both sides, the attitude of the command staff, and the losses incurred. Additionally, in order to paint a complete picture of the events, the article also analyses the operations conducted by the French units based on materials from the archives of the Defence Historical Service (Le Service Historique de la Défense) in Vincennes. Based on the analysis of the losses of the German 10th Infantry Division, the author determined the percentage of soldiers of Polish nationality in the ranks of this unit. The text is supplemented by 4 maps, prepared by the author on the basis of available archival sources.
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At the beginning of 1942, the situation of the Kuomintang military forces, who had been fighting the Japanese since 1937, was extremely difficult. The Japanese attack on Burma cut the Chinese off from the much needed American and British supplies that were delivered via the so-called Burma Road. Chang Kai-shek’s envoys in Washington and London solicited all possible assistance, in particular air and material support for their ground forces. In March 1942, T. V. Soong, the acting Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kuomintang, met with the Prime Minister of the Polish Government-in-Exile, General Władysław Sikorski in Washington DC. Sikorski proposed to send two Polish bomber squadrons and a group of glider experts to the Sino-Japanese front, which would increase the transport capacity of the Allied aircraft maintaining the air bridge between India and the Chinese province of Yunnan. Despite the enthusiasm of the Chinese side, which was striving to sign a Polish-Sino-American treaty on this matter, Sikorski’s concept turned out to be impossible. This article presents the course of the talks between the Polish and the Chinese and discusses the main reasons why Polish-Chinese cooperation in the field of aviation did not take place.
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Breslau was declared to be a fortress (Festung) in the summer of 1944, but it was a fortress in name only. Up until the beginning of 1945 little had been done to change this. Then, on 17 January 1945, a combat alert was announced in the city, which resulted in a garrison being hastily formed and the evacuation of civilians. When the Soviets encircled Breslau in mid-February there was still approximately 200,000 civilians and 55–60,000 soldiers in the city. They had no shortage of food and medicine, but their ammunition supplies were very meagre. The fortress was only able to defend itself thanks to the airlift that began on 15 February, organized by the 6th Air Fleet. This airlift, in turn, could not have existed without the airport in Klein Gandau (Gądów Mały) being maintained, which was to be supported by the „city airport” that was built amongst the ruins of the scientific district at the Kaiserstrasse junction (Grunwaldzki Square). The city required 40 tons of supplies each day in order to function and it was possible to maintain this initially, although in April, after the loss of Klein Gandau, this figure dropped sharply. Resources were initially delivered by Junkers Ju 52 transport aircraft, they were later parachuted into the city in containers and were also shipped in using gliders. In addition to ammunition, weapons and equipment, 1,200 paratroopers from the 9th Parachute Rifle Division were airlifted into Breslau, which significantly strengthened the garrison. Additionally, 6,600 soldiers were airlifted out of the city, including 5,225 wounded. The 6th Air Fleet paid an enormous price for this effort. Not only did it lose a total of 147 destroyed and 61 seriously damaged planes, but the airlift also consumed the last fuel reserves of the crumbling Third Reich.
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This article deals with the functions and activity of the radio communication division of the Home Army in the Białystok District. The history of this department is presented, starting from its creation in March 1944 (after the dissolution of the Home Army in the Białystok Area), to its disintegration as a result of a manhunt conducted by the Public Security Office in July 1945. During more than a year’s activity, the Białystok District sent dozens of dispatches – both to the Polish authorities in London and to Command Headquarters. These dispatches concerned various and sometimes very important matters, which included reports outlining the prevailing situation in the Białystok region, in particular the extent of the Soviet occupation.
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The requisitioning of horses for the army during 1919–1920 was extremely important due to the dominance of horse traction in the Polish army of that period. This appropriation constituted a part of the system of war benefits created after the regaining of independence, which played an important role during the war with the Bolsheviks. It constituted a legal framework that allowed requisitions to be carried out for the benefit of the army, through which it was possible to try to offset the army’s deficits with regards to equipment and supplies for its military units, primarily those fighting on the eastern front. For the reborn state, the priority was to act within the law, therefore the principle of payment for benefits and a two-stage appeal procedure were introduced. Due to the lack of organisational experience in applying the new law, as well as the existence of legal loopholes that needed to be removed, the conscription of horses in 1919 did not bring the expected results. This occurrence was of great importance with regards to the practice of requisitioning, which resulted in conscription taking place under completely different conditions in the following year. The immediate threat to the state resulted in maximum mobilisation on the part of the population and generosity towards the army. The experience gained over the year when applying the new requisitioning procedure, as well as the lessons learned from the failure of the previous year’s campaign, created the conditions for a more efficient conduct of conscription. However, it was not possible to avoid various abuses, which the reality of war always encourages.
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The military action planned by the French General Staff during the spring/summer of 1939 in the event of an attack on Poland by the Third Reich, was to be relatively limited in scope. Significant forces were allocated to its implementation – including armoured units. After France entered the war on 3 September orders were issued to implement the plan. French tanks first engaged German forces on 8 September, with the proper offensive pour la Pologne starting the next morning. The well-prepared defence of the enemy, as well as the decision to disperse its own armoured forces for tactical purposes, made it impossible for the French to effectively exploit their use. The belief that the Third Reich was preparing to counterattack the French units in front of its fortifications was not conducive to the rapid progress of operations. Ultimately, the offensive pour la Pologne was cancelled by a series of orders issued on 13 and 14 September 1939. Approximately 250 French tanks had taken part in the action. The experiences gathered during the fighting were subjected to detailed analyses, which largely identified the most important problems encountered. However, overcoming these shortcomings turned out to be difficult and many of them still existed when the Third Reich invaded France on 10 May 1940.
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It has been eighty years since the order that initiated the process of forming the 1st Armoured Division was issued by the then Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Armed Forces, Gen. Władysław Sikorski. The Polish troops that had been evacuated from France to Great Britain in June 1940 constituted a solid foundation that allowed the first armoured division in the history of the Polish Army to be contemplated. During 1940–1941 Polish officers developed their own views on the organizational model of their armoured forces, but they were forced to adopt plans that were put forward by the British. The decisive period regarding the formation of the armoured division was the fall of 1941, when studies concerning the possibility of forming such a tactical association were completed and talks on the subject were initiated with the British. The result of these actions was the order issued by General Sikorski on 25 February 1942. The Commander-in-Chief went ahead with his plans without the approval of the British side, which was faced with a fait accompli, however, the higher British military authorities did not object. The British did however point out that some of the Polish ideas regarding the formation of an armoured division were unrealistic, having insufficient manpower being one such example. The British were also against the idea of transferring the Polish forces, who had escaped via the Soviet Union and were at the time stationed in the Middle East, to the British Isles. Despite the various limitations and challenges, the process of forming the 1st Armoured Division and the process of training its units should be assessed favourably. The key role played by General Stanisław Maczek in the described events should also be noted.
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The article analyzes Polesie by F.A. Ossendowski in the context of the interwar beliefs in an exotic nature of the region, expressed in a metaphor of the “Polish jungle”. It shows how a factographical narrative accommodates elements of various discourses (natural history, military, political) and how it shaped strategies of representation. Within that strategy the modernization of Polesie was shown as a civilizing mission, strictly connected with polonization of its inhabitants.
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The main objective is to analyze the place and role played by history in the operations of Poland and Germany in the field of Eastern policy, with particular emphasis on the context surrounding the Russian war against Ukraine and how it developed in the first months of this conflict. In order to demonstrate the relationship between history’s influence on the present public discourse and Eastern and European policy of Poland and Germany, the article focuses on selected aspects of these countries’ Eastern policy, both historically and currently. The study also shows the connection between history and politics, particularly as it relates to the Russian Federation’s use of the so-called historical tools in hybrid tactics aimed at Poland, Germany, Ukraine and other democratic European countries. The text employs both the historical method and the comparative method. Additionally, discourse analysis was used in order to examine selected utterances of politicians and other representatives of public life in Poland and Germany, regarding history and Eastern policy. Selected elements of the analysis of the decision-making process related to the issues of the politics of memory, Eastern policy as well as European policy were also used.
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The purpose of this study is to analyze the way in which Romania and France have interacted between 1934 -1939, at the level of the European security system, in the light of the national security interests. This interaction wasn’t carried out in a regular fashion due to the fact that France, as one of the world’s greatest powers, had much more complex interests, the East-European space being for Paris a region where negotiation involving political and military influence could be carried out with the other top European players, including those who considered the ”Versailles system” to be anachronistic.
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With the failure of the 1848 revolution in the Austrian Empire and in the Poland of Tsarist Russia, many of the leaders of the uprising found refuge in the Ottoman Empire. This cause a new international crisis between the High Porte, Tsarist Russia and Austria. The imperial courts of these two countries, invoking the international treaties signed in the 18th century with the Ottoman Empire, demanded from the Sublime Porte the surrender of the Hungarian revolutionaries. Such threats, which also amounted up to the military intervention, were countered by the High Porte with explanations that no point in the previous agreements included an obligation to hand over those who had sought refuge in their empire. The British ambassador in Istanbul, Stratford Canning, had gone so far as to make it clear, that if Tsarist Russia attacks the Ottoman Empire for the aforementioned reasons, this would also be considered a declaration of war against Great Britain. As a global power, Great Britain was interested in freedom of navigation in the Mediterranean and the Black Sea, and that other competing powers, namely Tsarist Russia, will not be allowed access to Mediterranean Sea. In these circumstances, London would support the territorial integrity of the High Porte, trying to encourage this empire to reform itself. The Russian emperor openly stated that in the event of the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, he would not allow to be established in Constantinople the British rule, just as he did not plan to establish himself in the old Byzantine capital. The Russian emperor also emphasized that if an agreement was not reached with Great Britain for the controlled division of this empire, then it could happen that Russia would also occupy Constantinople. So, one way or another, this was a threat by Russia in order to push for a deal with London. It must be said that, as far as the attitude towards Russia and the Ottoman Empire is concerned, a full agreement was previously reached between the four European powers: Great Britain, France, Prussia and Austria. London and Paris were in complete agreement about their common goal, preventing the realization of Russian plans for the final destruction of the Ottoman Empire. According to this plan, Austria and Prussia would not allow the outbreak of war between the Anglo-French-Ottoman coalition and Tsarist Russia. However, even if it came to this war, Vienna and Berlin would not allow the coalition war against Russia to escalate to the extent that would ruin the balance of forces in Europe.
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A US-led coalition, including the United Kingdom, invaded Iraq on 20.03.2003 in an international armed conflict. UK forces occupied the city of Basra and its surroundings on 07.04.2003. Since then, the role of the UK armed forces in Iraq has been under the supervision of the International Criminal Court. Incidents arising from the UK occupation of Basra and its environs have been reported to the Prosecutor's Office by those who believe that the UK armed forces committed war crimes within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. As early as 2004, the Office of the Prosecutor received reports from individuals and non-governmental organizations, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, about the launch of military operations in Iraq and the resulting human casualties, and a preliminary inquiry into the Iraq/UK situation was therefore initiated. On 9 February 2006, former International Criminal Court Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo announced the closure of the preliminary inquiry after reviewing over 240 communications, information and other source documents in accordance with his special powers under Article 15 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. As Moreno-Ocampo explained in his letter to these groups in the case of Iraq/UK, the reason for the closure was that individual war crimes with a small number of victims were not sufficiently serious to meet the threshold of gravity required under Article 17 of the Rome Statute to be admissible under the law of the International Criminal Court. This paper discusses the four procedural aspects of International Criminal Court practice highlighted by the Iraq/UK investigation (a brief description of the preliminary examination stage, the alleged war crimes and jurisdictional issues, admissibility issues, the question of complementarity in light of the UK's military and national investigations) and how this investigation highlights the critical importance of the principle of complementarity.
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Interest in researching the Gates, a passage on the Polish-Ruthenian border in the early medieval period, has its long (since the 19th century) – although not continuous – tradition. It was only the last discovery of a stronghold on Czubata Góra in Kawęczyn, municipality of Szczebrzeszyn, county of Zamość, in the West Roztocze, which once again drew attention to the opportunity to find this passage on the border between Roztocze Szczebrzeszyńskie and Roztocze Gorajskie. The aim of the article was to examine to what extent this thesis is likely. Gathering both Polish and Ruthenian written sources, as well as examining them in the context of the battle between the Ruthenian duke, Shvarn, and Polish Bolesław the Chaste in 1266, but also in relation to the current discovery results, is needed to resume the discussion on such an important topic as the topography of the Polish-Ruthenian border in the 13th century. The outcomes of this discussion can significantly influence the beginning of archaeological research on the space in question.
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Research on the cathedral chapters of the ecclesiastical province of Riga shows that the Teutonic Order played a significant role in how they operated, since five of the eight cathedral chapters were regulated according to its rule. These five are referred to in the literature as cathedral chapters that were incorporated into the Teutonic Order. This goes back to the source term “incorporation,” which, however, is misleading, because in each case, that was not an incorporation in the sense of canon law. Research has therefore attempted to explain how the concept of incorporation is to be understood and how the relationship between the cathedral chapters and the leadership of the Order is to be evaluated. So far, this has been presented primarily through the examples of the Prussian Teutonic Order cathedral chapters of Samland, Pomesania and Kulm. This article focuses on the Livonian Teutonic Order cathedral chapters of Riga and Courland in order to introduce them into the research discussion on the concept of incorporation. Evaluating the “incorporation” of the cathedral chapters of Courland and Riga, involves, firstly, tracing the respective legal frameworks and, secondly, contextualizing the most important rights of the Livonian master of the Teutonic Order—canonical visitation and participation in the election of canons. It can be observed that canonical visitation in fact played no role, but only the rights of the master to participate in the election of canons were of importance. The cathedral chapters of Courland and Riga, however, are characterized by the fact that there were hardly any institutional connections with the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order and a duty of obedience of the canons towards the superiors of the Order did not, in fact, exist. Consequently, in the future, the term “incorporation” should be avoided in the literature, since it on the one hand can only be found in documents influenced by the Teutonic Order and thus the term stands for the self-perception of the Order; on the other hand it distorts the view of these cathedral chapters in general.
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