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What is the irony, this sudden burst of a double consciousness within the speech? In all its forms, irony is a playful mismatch: between the word and the real, between the word of earlier and its incongruous sequel, between the apparent and the hidden… And every time irony is a matter of the mind.
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The subject of the rhetorical analysis are two speeches delivered by Lech Wałęsa and Václav Havel to the joint chambers of the US Congress. The analysis used the classic rhetorical method enriched by a genological and problematological aspect. The comparison of the two speeches gives the opportunity to look at the texts of politicians – two leaders of freedom movements – as representing two national discourses and different visions of cooperation with the USA. The result of the analysis is also an assessment of the oratory qualities of both speeches.
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The topic of this article are the slogans used in seven presidential elections in Poland between 1990 and 2020. 143 slogans were collected, sixteen of which promoted winning candidates. The analysis was focused on the topoi used by the candidates who won the election. The most popular was: Poland (Polska), community (wspólnota), future (przyszłość), president (prezydent), strength/power (siła). Three of them (Poland, community, president) are also the most popular topoi in the whole sample. They were analysed and compared with the list of Polish „banner words”. As shown in the slogans of the winning candidates, the president in Poland is the icon of national community, the person who unites the nation and promises a better future for the Poles, rather than a leader or manager, as quite often in American presidential elections (where words like leader and leadership are popular in slogans).
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Contemporary political communication uses – not much more often, but more intentionally – visual means of expression. Research into the construction of visual messages and their meanings in electoral campaigns already has its tradition. Less frequently – albeit on the occasion of the social manifestations of the two decades of the 21st century – the subject of research becomes the counter-hegemonic construction of the symbolism of protest. As it is the voice of the minority, the relevant theoretical framework for the analysis is constituted by approaches situated in the critical paradigm. Artists designing logotypes for protesters, arranging various events in the public space see their art also as critical art. The presented analysis concerns the ways of demonstrating political contestation or opposition in Poland and the Czech Republic. What is interesting from our point of view is the very use of the visual message, the use of attractive symbolism involving the media to disseminate the message. The use of a gadget (an object, a flower, an item of clothing, a monument, etc.), wall inscriptions or paintings, organised performances and more or less spontaneous demonstrations do not exhaust the forms of contestation. They are very diverse in themselves. The authors aim to show the similarities and differences between Polish and Czech visual messages.
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Today’s democratic systems face several challenges and problems, many of which are based on current societal sentiments. Although Western societies may enjoy life in prosperity, many of their citizens are dissatisfied because they live in insecurity, or even in fear for their life situation in the years to come. The established parties are unable to respond effectively, and these citizens are forced to look for political alternatives elsewhere. Populist parties, on the other hand, are able to work effectively with fear, thanks to which populism has been on the rise both across all Europe and the USA. Although populism generally appears in the communication of parties at both ends of the one-dimensional right-left political spectrum, in most cases it is associated with extreme right-wing parties. A key element in the success of populist parties is their communication strategy while social networks have become an ideal platform for populist political communication. The social networks provided populist politicians with the opportunity to connect more closely and inexpensively with the people, including the “new” generation of citizens, which has already grown up with social networks. The chapter focuses in more detail on the Czech party system, in which this area was occupied by the Freedom and Direct Democracy party, led by Tomio Okamura. Thus, the main objective of the chapter is to analyse the political communication of the party and of Tomio Okamura, especially the content and form.
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This article analyses the communication of the Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) party on Facebook before the 2019 European Parliament elections. In the context of the framing theory, a total of 442 contributions to the social network Facebook which were published in the period of three months before the elections to the European Parliament (from 23 February 2019 to 24 May 2019) are examined. Special attention is paid to communication and the framing of the topic of migration by the SPD, the analysis of selected frames, and analysis of the manipulation techniques used by the party in its political communication. While the SPD was more active on Facebook before the elections to the European Parliament in 2019 than before the elections to the Chamber of Deputies in 2017, the activity of its supporters on the social network was significantly lower. The use of the mobilisation potential of migration as a topic and the deployment of lies and manipulation techniques, which in a communicated form contribute to the radicalisation and maintenance of support among SPD supporters on Facebook, did not help either.
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The subject of the analysis are the activities of Prime Ministers Morawiecki and Babiš on Twitter during the 2019 European elections. The aim of the analysis is, on the one hand, to find out whether politicians use image attributional treatments and, if so, how they do it, what is the leitmotif of such a message. The analysis is intended to help answer the question about the purpose of such treatments: why politicians use „politics without politics” and how these actions affect the course and dynamics of the election campaign.
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The aim of the paper is to reconstruct discursive strategies of the Polish right-wing party Confederation Liberty and Independence on the basis of the tracks recorded by its politicians for a charity event called Hot16Challenge. The approach used in the paper was the Discourse-Historical Approach. In the tracks, Confederation clearly indicates its enemies – other politicians and supporters of socialism. The politicians of the party market themselves as defenders of values and competent professionals. Discursive strategies of the party are similar to the strategies of other contemporary European far-right parties.
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There is no pandemic without politics. When the coronavirus becomes a problem of a given country, politics starts to drastically influence the privacy of the citizens, which is reflected in the content created by the Internet users. I decided to analyse the memes referring to coronavirus which were shared on popular, comparable Facebook meme groups in Poland and the Czech Republic in order to see how the political discourses concerning the pandemic –introducing restrictions, the state narration about the pandemic, or the role of the politicians in the crisis situation – are reflected in the popular culture of the Internet. The period analysed was the time just before announcing the beginning of the pandemic and the first months of it: in that period the danger of infection with the coronavirus in Poland and the Czech Republic was relatively small, and so the major part of the discourse devoted to the illness was shaped by political decisions. The analysis has shown that the Czech society bore the beginning of the pandemic much worse than the Poles, as the Czechs produced more coronavirus Internet memes and focused heavily on the issues of politics and their own country. In both countries, the pandemic was associated mostly with the prime minister and the minister of health, and in the Czech Republic also with the minister of the interior. Although different aspects of life under the pandemic, such as hygiene or working from home, in both countries were popular to a similar extent, some important differences appeared; for example, panic buying was significantly more important for the Czechs and the ban on gatherings for the Poles. Both Polish and Czech internet users used their known cultural codes to tame the pandemic; these codes differed and showed the properties of both cultures, e.g. the Christian character of the Polish culture. The pandemic circumstances were also adapted into several, specific for both cultures, genres of memes. At the end of the article, I am considering the therapeutical aspect of the Internet memes and I turn to the conception of popular political discourse, diluted in order to reduce the level of trauma caused by the enduring crisis situation.
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The article shows the most popular eponyms present in contemporary political discourse. It aims to determine how they are created and what their function is. Increasingly often the sources of eponyms and derivatives of proper names are not only surnames, which have been used as the basis for eponyms of a political character before (e.g. Kuroniówka). These are also names (e.g. klaudymy, mateuszki) and acronyms (e.g. pisiewicze, platfusy), as well as city names (e.g. smoleńszczaki). For the language of politics it is also characteristic to create words derived from names, including verbs (e.g. gowinować). The material is extracted from various sources, recording or containing the lexis of political discourse, in particular texts from the press and Internet sources.
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The article presents the images of Mateusz Morawiecki and Andrej Babiš on the example of selected media: the Czech portal iDnes (iDNES.cz) and the Polish newspaper Rzeczpospolita rp.pl. The aim of the analysis was to show how the Polish Prime Minister is presented in the Czech Republic and the Czech Prime Minister in Poland. The created corpus of texts was analysed on the basis of assumptions concerning image building and presentation of leadership competences. The article identifies key similarities and differences in the portrayal of these figures by selected media in the context of the Covid-19 crisis (from March to October 2020). Based on the assumptions made and the use of quantitative and qualitative content analysis, the authors examined what image of politicians is created by selected media in a crisis situation. The differences and similarities between the presence of Prime Minister Babiš in the Polish media and Prime Minister Morawiecki in the Czech media are an exemplification of an interesting trend in the Polish-Czech relations. The way both prime ministers are portrayed allows us to make preliminary conclusions about the mutual perception of the neighbouring country and its authorities.
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The aim of the text is a comparative analysis of selected elements of the strategy of communicating with voters and building the image of two politicians – Andrzej Duda and Miloš Zeman. The subject of the analysis will be two winning election campaigns – the presidential campaign of Miloš Zeman in 2018 and the presidential campaign of Andrzej Duda in 2020 – in which both presidents fought for re-election. The presented analysis will, firstly, show the uniqueness of both campaigns, and secondly, it will allow to answer the question of whether the set of means of communication already known to voters was used, or whether unusual conditions were the reason for the emergence of new forms of contact.
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In 2020, a book of early proses by Richard Weiner was published under the title Přetržená nit a jiné rané prózy. In response to this publication we made an interpretation of selected texts focused on Weiner’s typical topics and motives. Our goals were to find specifics about this Weiner’s creative phase and try to make a reflection about question “How important are these early texts for author‘ s literary work as a whole.“
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Victorious Fall (1929) is the first novel by the Czech-born Slovak author Petr Jilemnický (1901–1949). The novel reflects the motives of "misery" and "beauty" of Kysuce. Literary historiography perceives novel in regard to Expressionism (J. Števček, 1983) and Lyricism (F. Miko, 1969; J. Števček, 1973). The paper points to the distinct metaphorical, imaginative nature and semantic ambiguity of the novel. Despite the criticisms of the DAV group, Peter Jilemnický was a member of the group, Victorious Fall features many stylistic and expressive principles related to the aesthetics of the Czech avantgarde program Poetism. The novel represents a contact between literary tradition and innovative stylistic techniques. The use of lyrical tendencies demonstrates the adoption of the poetic quality of Slovak literature in a response to the crisis of the prose in the first half of the 20. century. Victorious Fall proves the artistic pursuit of Peter Jilemnický for a new novel form.
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Václav Havel claims in his essays how important the structure of his play is. In this paper we will focus on the rhythm of Václav Havel's dramas as a crucial component of their structure and will analyze his plays, The Increased Difficulty of Concentration (1968) and Largo desolato (1984).
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Contemporary Czech writer Václav Vokolek is in his work inspired mostly by the world of literature, paintings and spiritual concepts, distancing his writing from any political and social reality. But he made one exception at the beginning of new millennium, in cooperation with Czech illustrator Jindřich Strašnov. Together they have created Nejsme jako my (2001), cycle of political satires with expressive illustrations, pointed against main characters of Czech post-revolutionary political scene. The aim of this contribution is to highlight this artistically-literary work, that sure has potential to speak to readers but has not got any responses or reviews ever since publishing.
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The topic of this study is the character of the false messiah – various aspects associated with the character are analysed in three contemporary Czech novels which to varying extent touch on the subgenre area of dystopia: Mondschein (2012) by Ondřej Štindl, Můj bratr Mesiáš (2017) by Martin Vopěnka, and Logoz aneb Robert Holm, marketér dánský (2019) by David Zábranský. The study focuses on literary (genre, narrative, motivic) and social (religious, spiritual, political, environmental) aspects of the (pseudo)messiah theme that are common to these novels. The analysis is based on the typology of the literary character in Daniela Hodrová’s work.
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Vladislav Vančura nepatří mezi autory, kteří děj svých próz a dramat situovali hlavně do prostředí maloměsta, jakými byli mezi válkami kupříkladu Karel Poláček nebo Jaroslav Havlíček. Ostatně k tomu neměl ani rodinné dispozice. Ve svém slezském rodišti žil jen krátce. Rodina se pak přestěhovala na Hanou, kde si otec najal kantýnu ve Cvrčově u Kojetína, avšak brzy onemocněl a musel podstoupit lázeňskou léčbu v Luhačovicích. Po čtyřech letech se rodina přemístila do Čech a na pražském Smíchově si zavedla povoznictví s těžkými koňmi. Po dvou letech ztrátového podnikání otec dostal místo správce cihelny a kamenolomu v Davli, kam se rodina přestěhovala, když bylo Vančurovi sedm let. Malebné městečko s krásným okolím ležící při soutoku Vltavy se Sázavou mu učarovalo, což dokládají i slova jeho pozdější ženy Ludmily: „Davelský dům a Davle, celá davelská krajina a Vltava pro Vladislava znamenaly tolik, že na ně myslil ještě po letech jako na jediný domov.“ (1967, s. 14).
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První světovou válku a její útrapy Vladislav Vančura zachytil v trojici svých románů: okrajově v Konci starých časů (1934) a s mnohem větší intenzitou v Polích orných a válečných (1925) a ve Třech řekách (1936). Zaměříme se na konstantní znaky a proměny Vančurovy poetiky, manifestované v Polích orných a válečných a ve Třech řekách. Milan Kundera ve svém Umění románu označil Pole orná a válečná za „román bez jednotného děje“ (1961, s. 36), v němž Vančura vytváří rozlehlý obraz bídy. Hlavními postavami jsou deputátník František Hora, jeho žena Anna a ouhrovský blázen František Řeka, kteří představují vesnický proletariát. Oproti nim stojí šlechtická rodina Danowitzů: zhýralý baron Maxmilián Danowitz a jeho synové – důstojník Ervín a duševně zdegenerovaný kněz Josef. Příběhy těchto dvou typů postav se nespojují, ale jdou paralelně vedle sebe. Jsou sledem jakýchsi chronologicky posloupných, přitom však samostatných epizod. Nejedná se tedy o klasickou románovou kauzalitu. Román je „pásmem fabulačně nespojených scén, které dávají obraz poměrů, ovzduší, okolností a ducha doby“, takže vytvářejí „jakousi svrchovaně uměleckou reportáž o době, kdy se pole orná měnila v pole válečná“ (Kundera 1961, s. 37).
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K. J. Erben creates a fictional world that „grows“ on a folkloric and mythological foundation, which the author „assimilates“ and „integrates“ to transform it into a personal literary experience. The characters are in a constant relationship with the botanical world. In his texts there are references to floral and arboreal species which turn out to be full-fledged participants in communicative situations. The abundance of such references testifies to man's close relationship with nature and guides us to a consciousness permeated by floral images in order to refer to and present human qualities. In the collection of ballads Kytice (Bouquet) the world of plants functions at various literary levels – from a detail in the overall epic storyline to an expanded image and a symbolic key for the accomplishment of literary meaning.
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