Adventure into Peacetime Intra-Alliance Espionage

Author(s): Lere Amusan,Siphiwe Mchunu / Language(s): English Issue: 33/2015

Peacetime espionage is often employed by states as a means of acquiring information about competitor states in the international system. However the practice is not limited to competitor states. In a world where security concerns are an ever-present consideration for state action, acts of espionage normally reserved for use against enemies are also used against ally states. The basic premise is that while alliances are able to foster mutual trust and cooperation, they do not conclude that an ally will always be trust-worthy and faithful,most especially, when it involves issues of national interest. The international system and a need to safeguard one’s own interests and population mean that espionage, even against anally, will remain a necessary state function and all states should therefore remain vigilant against attempts at infiltration of their state secrets. The question of peacetime intra-alliance espionage and the consequences thereof has yet to be answered and it is the purpose of this research to fill that intellectual gap. This research will look at traditionally allied countries,with a long record of cooperation, and not competing states. To achieve this, the case from 2013 of two North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) allies, Germany and the United States (US), are our main focus. Lessons worth drawing from this, by NATO small states members, shall be discussed.

Around the Bloc: The ‘Least Happy’ People in Europe

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 03/22/2016

It’s not who you might think, says report released ahead of UN World Happiness Day.

Around the Bloc: Estonia Seeks EU Travel Ban on Russian ‘Abductors’ of Savchenko

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 03/22/2016

MPs wants those responsible for Ukrainian pilot’s ‘capture, detention and illegal trial’ barred from Schengen zone.

Around the Bloc: Bay of Piran Dispute Brings Croatia, Slovenia Back to Court

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 03/22/2016

Arbitration process hit a major snag last year when Slovenia’s attempt to influence the case was revealed.

Războaiele proxy. ce sunt şi cum afecteazo evoluţia conflictelor convenţionale

Author(s): George Cristian Uţă / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 4/2015

Proxy wars have been especially common since the close of World War II and the rise of the Cold War, and were a defi ning aspect of global confl ict during the latter half of the 20th century. During its later years, the USSR often found it less expensive to arm or otherwise prop up NATO-antagonistic parties in exchange of direct engagement. Russia has changed the geopolitical equation with the recent moves in Syria. They have been targeting the numerous factions fi ghting against the government of Bashar al-Assad.

Politica Federaţiei Ruse în Orientul Mijlociu - între mit şi realitate

Author(s): Elena Zăuleţ / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 4/2015

Russia has deep historical links with Middle East states since Soviet times, and the current policy. Moscow promotes in this region is nothing more than a continuation of the policies promoted by the Soviet leaders with the post-colonial Arab regimes, a policy that evolves towards a multidimensional spectrum. With Russian’s political, economic and military revitalization following USSR dissolution, the strategy adopted by Russian politicians, but especially Putin’s regime, aimed foreign policy objectives, capitalizing the Soviet heritage. It is obvious Moscow seeks to take advantage of Middle East governments’ unhappiness with American and European policy in the region. But the competition with the West is not Moscow’s only geopolitical interest in the region. It also wants to prevent the rise of radical Sunni forces which Moscow fears will, if they grow strong enough, not only engulf the region and reduce Russian infl uence, but also spread into the Muslim regions of Russia. Another Russian geopolitical interest in the Middle East extended region derives from Moscow’s strong dependence on oil and gas export revenues – not only to fund the government’s budget but also to pay off key interest groups on whom Putin’s rule depends and to support the Russian economy more generally.

Demersuri chineze pentru promovarea intereselor strategice în Marea de Sud a Chinei

Author(s): Isabela Ancuţ / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 4/2015

The rising importance of Asia-Pacific region and its major positive impact over the global economy and also the political, economical and military developments of the region’s states had as effect the disputes debacle generated by the territorial strifes from region. It is well-known the fact that the main tensions in the region are generated by the different interpretation of these actors, based on their own strategic interests, its evolutions being very diffi cult to manage due to the fact that any decision to support one of the parts is based on pure political consideration and less by the historical and, sometimes, geographic truth. Furthermore, taking into consideration the throwing back of the differences regarding the demarcation of the boundaries (terrestrial and maritime), the claims over the unilateral exploitations of some energy resources (oil, natural gas), mineral (gold, platinum) and detention of the maritime transport routes, it could be stated that the potential to burst an open confl ict is proning to rise. In this context of regional and international security, China`s incisive behaviour toward the South China Sea was increasing simultaneously with the state's economic development and with the tightening of competition with USA in Asia-Pacific region. In Chinese foreign strategy, South China Sea is the “boundary line” between China and USA, and the Beijing`s force demonstrations in area are destined to Washington and not to region`s states (including those with territorial claims in SCS) to which keeps up availability to dialog and cooperation. The perseverence to which China is holding on its ambiguity regarding the decision to use the “9-Dashes-lines-map” in order to claim total sovereignity over the entire maritime area included within the “9-Dashes-lines” could be viewed also as a possible preservation of flexibility in pursuing its maritime claims in SCS while making it more diff cult for the other regional actors to defi ne specific objectives or pursue legal challenges to those claims. It does appear clear that, next to Chinese Law on Territorial Sea and Contiguos Zone, enacted in 1992, the implementation, beginning with January 1st 2014, of some fishing regulations in area represent more than evidences of the Chinese administrative control wielded by facto in almost entire SCS. China and USA in a dangerous spire of proving their supremacy in this area.

Eşuarea Libiei. Implicaţii asupra securităţii europene

Author(s): Tiberiu Tănase,Alba-Iulia Catrinel POPESCU / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 4/2015

The 2011 series of protests and riots, known as the “Arab Spring” swept away Ba’athist and Nasserist regimes in North Africa. One after another, secular Arab world leaders were removed from power by the anger of a population caught between a secular and repressive plutocracy and the utopian fantasies of a Medinatype society promised by the Salafi sts. Ummah al arabiyah is day by day becoming Ummah al Islamiyah, as the Western democratic model is demonized and the specter of terrorism extends throughout Northern Africa. Libya’s Gaddafi regime collapsed creating a hotbed of instability with reverberations across Africa and threatens to destabilize European countries, too. What are the implications of Lybia’s failure on European security? How serious is the situation?

Dimensiunea psihosocială a crizei imigranţilor

Author(s): Cristian Dobre / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 4/2015

This paper addresses the main causes and consequences of the current immigrant’s crisis form the psychosocial view. Based on the idea that refugees will settle, fi nally, in European countries, the author considers that addressing the psychological dimensions of the multiculturalism is useful for a better understanding of a current crisis.

Politica comună de securitate energetică vs. interee naţionale în contextul ultimelor evoluţii la nivel european

Author(s): Stelian Teodorescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 4/2015

It is critical that the European Union/EU, in its entirety, to avoid infl ated dependence on Russian infrastructure and to encourage direct relations with the states producing energetic resources or those providing transit to the member states. As international actors that mostly link, from their consumer position, to the world energetic resources and to the transport corridors, the EU members support the target of connecting the national interests to a common policy facilitating a broader access to the energetic sources. Promoting EU’s common vision on the security issues will assist the member states in focusing their efforts in order to act together aga inst risks and threats addressed to their energetic security, while interdependence among them will decrease the potential of confl ict emergence in the region.

‘KORUMA SORUMLULUĞU’ NORMUNUN LİBYA VE SURİYE KRİZLERİ BAĞLAMINDA İŞLEVSELLİĞİ

Author(s): Tuba Eldem / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 43/2015

Soğuk Savaş sonrası insani gerekçelerle yapılan uluslararası askeri müdahalelerin artması; devletlerin egemenlik haklarının sınırlarının ne olduğu, hem vatandaşlarına hem de uluslararası topluma karşı birtakım evrensel sorumlulukları olup olmadığı ve bu sorumlulukların neyi kapsadığı sorularını da beraberinde getirmiştir. 2001 yılında Kanada Hükümeti’nin inisiyatifiyle kurulan Müdahale ve Devlet Egemenliği Uluslararası Komisyonu (International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignity, ICISS) tarafından bu sorulara cevap olarak geliştirilen koruma sorumluluğu (the responsibility to protect, R2P) doktrininin 2005 yılında Birleşmiş Milletler (BM) Genel Kurulu’nda oybirliği ile kabul edilmesi, doktrinin normatif kabulünü göstermesi açısından anlamlıdır. Doktrinin operasyonel boyutta işlevsellik kazanması, BM Güvenlik Konseyi’nin (BMGK) Libya’ya yönelik benimsediği 1973 sayılı Karar ile olmuşsa da, insani mezalimin daha ağır boyutlarda yaşandığı Suriye’de benzer bir politikanın izlenmemesi; doktrinin etik bir norm olmaktan ziyade devletler tarafından seçici olarak kullanılan bir araç olduğu yönündeki eleştirileri arttırmıştır. Bu makale, üzerinde tartışmaların artarak sürdüğü R2P doktrinini gelişmekte olan bir uluslararası etik normu olarak ele alarak Libya ve Suriye krizlerindeki rolünü değerlendirecek ve Libya’da R2P’nin koalisyon güçleri tarafından suistimal edildiği algısı R2P’yi kredibilite kaybına uğratmış olsa da, şüphecilerin aksine, normun uluslararası toplumda geçerliliğini koruduğunu savunacaktır. In the post-Cold War era, the rise of international military interventions for humanitarian ends has raised several important questions about the rights and responsibilities of sovereign states towards their citizens as well as towards international society as a whole. The doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was developed as a response to these questions by the ICISS (International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty) in 2001 and was later unanimously adopted at the UN General Assembly meeting of 2005 and ratified by the UN Security Council in 2006. The doctrine was implemented operationally for the first time in Libya following UN Security Council Resolution 1973 (2011). The failure of international society to follow a similar policy in Syria, however, has given rise to criticism over the viability of the doctrine. Taking the increasing controversy over the norm’s implementation into consideration, this article, considering R2P as an emerging international moral norm, argues that despite the loss of credibility of R2P due to the widespread perception of its abuse by the coalition forces in Libya, the norm sustains its viability within international society at large.

Opting out of the European Union: Diplomacy, Sovereignty and European Integration

Author(s): Marsha M. Hall / Language(s): English Issue: 43/2015

AVRUPA BİRLİĞİ’NİN AVRUPA İNSAN HAKLARI SÖZLEŞMESİ’NE KATILIMININ İNSAN HAKLARI YARGISINA ETKİLERİ

Author(s): Ayşe Özkan / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 43/2015

Avrupa Birliği’nin örgüt olarak Avrupa İnsan Hakları Konvansiyonu’na taraf olması yıllardan beri tartışma konusu olmuştur. Tartışmaların odağında devletlerin katılımına açık olan Avrupa İnsan Hakları Konvansiyonu’nun örgütlerin katılımına müsait olmaması hususu yer almıştır. Lizbon Antlaşması’nın yürürlüğe girmesi ve 14. Protokol’ün kabulüyle birlikte mevzuattan kaynaklanan temel tıkanıklığın aşıldığı değerlendirilmektedir. Ancak Avrupa Birliği vatandaşları için bireysel başvuru mekanizmasının bürüneceği biçim ve uygulanacak usullerle, Adalet Divanı içtihatlarında otonom mahiyette kabul edilen Birlik hukukunun katılım sonrası uğrayacağı değişime ilişkin temel birtakım sorunlar çözüm beklemeye devam etmektedir. Birliğin üye devletler için bağlayıcı olan Konvansiyona taraf olmasıyla birlikte örgüt olarak Konvansiyon hükümleriyle bağlı hale gelmesini destekleyen görüşler ağırlık kazanmıştır. Bununla birlikte katılım antlaşmasının uygulanması aşamasında doğacak çok sayıda teknik soruna ilişkin çözümler üzerinde uzlaşma sağlanamamıştır. Çalışmamızda Birliğin ve Avrupa Konseyi’nin katılım sürecinde karşı karşıya kalacağı teknik sorunlar ve bunların muhtemel çözümleri üzerine değerlendirme yapılmaktadır. The accession of the European Union to the European Convention on Human Rights has been deliberated for an extended period of time. Discussions on the topic have largely focused on the fact that the European Convention was not open to the accession of international organisations, but only to state parties. However, with the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty and Protocol 14 to the European Convention, the main obstacles to accession have been removed. Nonetheless, there still remain fundamental questions surrounding the protection of individual rights in the Strasbourg Court as well as the autonomy of European Union law. There are very good arguments in favour of accession because if realized the European Union would thus be subjected to external control by the European Court of Human Rights as is already the case for its Member States. On the other hand, many technical problems related to the accession still need to be addressed. In fact, the unresolved status of these issues constitute the primary reason why an agreed solution has yet to be reached. With these complexities in mind, this study seeks to probe the outstanding questions and problems related to the accession process while also posing possible solutions that both the European Union and the Council of Europe could agree on.

TACİKİSTAN İSLAMİ YENİDEN DOĞUŞ PARTİSİ: KÖKTENCİLİKTEN ILIMLI İSLAM ANLAYIŞINA

Author(s): Fahri Türk / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 18/2014

Tacikistan İslami Yeniden Doğuş Partisi (TİYDP) Orta Asya ülkeleri arasında programında İslami ilkelere yer veren yegâne partidir. TİYDP her ne kadar 1990’ların başında rejimle çatıştıysa da, başlangıcından günümüze siyasal yelpazede süreklilik göstermiş olan nadir siyasal partilerden biridir. Bu parti 1990’ların başında benimsediği radikal İslamcı kimliği, Seyit Abdullah Nuri ve Muhiddin Kabiri dönemlerinde terk ederek daha yapıcı bir tutum sergilemeye başlamıştır. Özellikle partinin Kabiri liderliğinde ılımlı İslam anlayışına yönelmesi önemli bir dönüm noktasıdır. Bu makalede, TİYDP’de gerçekleştirilen bu politika değişikliği çözümlenecektir. İlk olarak, TİYDP’nin kuruluş süreci, amaçları ve üye tabanı hakkında bilgi verilecek, daha sonra parti programı ve izlenen politikalara değinilecektir. Bunu müteakiben iç savaş, Hacı Ekber Turacanzade ile parti arasında yaşanan çekişme ve partinin 1997 sonrası karşılaştığı sorunlar ortaya konulacaktır. Son olarak Kabiri döneminde gerçekleştirilen dönüşüm üzerinde durulacaktır. Bu araştırmada, niteliksel metin analizi ve görüşme yöntemleri kullanılmıştır. The Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (IRPT) is the only party among the Central Asian states that gives priority to Islamic principles in its program. Although the IRPT had been involved in disputes with the regime during the first half of the 1990’s, it is one of the sole gerçekleştiripolitical parties that has shown a continuous presence in the political landscape from past to present since its foundation. The party has drifted away from the radical Islamic views it adopted in the early 1990’s during the Said Abdullah Nuri and Muhiddin Kabiri eras and has started to follow a constructive approach. Here, the IRPT’s shift to a moderate Islamic approach under the leadership of Kabiri is an especially important turning point. This research analyses this policy change within the IRPT. After providing information on the party’s founding process, its aims and the background of its membership, its program and policy priorities will be addressed. This will be followed by a discussion of the civil war, disputes between Qazi Akbar Turajonzode and the IRPT, and the problems that came to face the party. Finally, the transition, which occurred in the era of Kabiri, will be emphasized. This research has employed qualitative content analysis and interviews as its methods.

AVRASYACILIK MUKAYESELİ BİR OKUMA

Author(s): Dinmukhammed Ametbek / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 19/2015

CONJUNCTURAL POWER AS AN OUTCOME OF GLOBAL AND REGIONAL CHANGES: THE CASE OF UZBEKISTAN

Author(s): Otabek OMONKULOV,Gürol Baba / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 19/2015

This article examines to what extent conjunctural fluctuations in global and regional politics alter the influence and the power of a state. Primarily, the article argues that such fluctuations create a surplus in power that alters a state’s political clout. To explain this dynamic, the article introduces the concept of “conjunctural power” as an outcome of sudden regional and global developments, and which increases or decreases the weight/ influence of the foreign policy of a state without affecting its real power position. The examination of the concept, in the case of Uzbekistan, proves that global and regional fluctuations generate “conjunctural power”, strengthening a particular state’s influence and power position vis-à-vis regional and great powers. Furthermore, “conjunctural power” could render a great power a middle power while virtually promoting some small powers to the position of middle powers when it comes to particular issues under certain conditions. The article claims that implementing policies in harmony with conjunctural fluctuations would also generate “conjunctural power”. Additionally, “conjunctural power”, as a surplus power, may increase one or two power capabilities of a state while decreasing or having no effect on others.

THE CHINESE CONSTITUTION OF CENTRAL ASIA REGIONS AND INTERTWINED ACTORS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Author(s): Aryati Dewi HADIN / Language(s): English Issue: 19/2015

Around the Bloc: Turkey, Russia Trade Accusations Over Karabakh Situation

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 04/12/2016

Some 75 troops have died since the weekend in the worst fighting the South Caucasus hotspot has seen in decades.

WHY SHOULD TURKEY REVISIT THE CUSTOMS UNION WITH THE EU?

Author(s): Mustafa Kutlay / Language(s): English Issue: 6/2013

GLOBAL SWING STATES AND TURKEY

Author(s): Şaban Kardaş / Language(s): English Issue: 6/2013