„Kritiški piliečiai“? Posovietinės jaunimo kartos požiūris į demokratiją, politiką ir sovietinę praeitį

Author(s): Eglė Tuzaitė / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 2/2016

The article based on the results of a qualitative study of the post-Soviet young generation’s perceptions of life in the Soviet Union analyzes the youth’s attitudes to democracy, themselves as Lithuanian citizens, and politics. Supplementing the results of the research conducted in Lithuania and abroad on young people’s political behavior, the article answers the question whether the younger people of post-Soviet generation who have none or very few memories of life in the Soviet period are more spiritual and look at democracy more favorably than the older generation. The article demonstrates that young people are critical of the current democratic and political situation in the country and believe that a large part of the current problems in Lithuania results from the undemocratic past. They have high hopes associated with their own post-Soviet generation in assuming that with the change of generations the quality of democracy will improve, different values will prevail in politics and the political culture will change. In the article, these hopes are juxtaposed with the actual data that highlights major contradictions between the reality and its perceptions.

Modeli političkog čovjeka

Author(s): Kosta Bovan / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 03/2015

Reflections on political systems are necessarily based on some sort of model of political man – an individual who thinks, decides, discusses, and participates in politics. This paper offers a review of modern conceptions of political man structured in five models. The personality model highlights the importance of childhood experiences for political behavior and belief in adulthood; the sociological model highlights the importance of primary and interest groups; the sociopsychological model highlights the importance of party identification; the rational economic model highlights the efficiency of thought and self-interest;while the cognitive model highlights the citizens’ mental capabilities.The main assumptions, methodology, and findings for each model are presented in the paper. Also, implications for democratic processes for each model are explained. The conclusion offers a critical survey of the current state of research on political man, as well as recommendations for further research.

‘If You Are a Girl, Stay at Home’ – An Ethnographic Examination of Female Social Engagement from the Rural 19th Century to Contemporary Political Protests in Macedonia

Author(s): Ilina Jakimovska / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

Balkan history has been presented, in gender terms, as a history of oppressed women, stark patriarchy and male domination. This narrative has rarely been questioned, its echoes still lingering in the corridors of those disciplines that helped its creation and promotion. Being one of them, ethnology can, and should play a central role in the deconstruction of the role of women in the so-called traditional cultures, thus establishing a potential continuity between their past and their present struggles.

ZRÓŻNICOWANIE PRZESTRZENNE ZACHOWAŃ WYBORCZYCH MIESZKAŃCÓW GMINY SZADEK W WYBORACH PREZYDENCKICH I PARLAMENTARNYCH W 2015 ROKU

Author(s): Michał Kowalski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 16/2016

The article presents the voting behaviour in the municipality of Szadek in the elections of 2015. The investigation of the electoral behaviour comprises the turnout and voting results in each of the electoral districts, and a synthetic city-countryside comparison. The article is an attempt to explain the variation in voter turnout and transfers within the electorate.

MANY', "HALF" OR "ONE OUT OF TWO" ? ASSESSING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF COUNTER-BIASING TECHNIQUES IN REDUCING SELF-REPORTED TURNOUT

Author(s): Mircea Comșa,Andrei Gheorghita / Language(s): English Issue: 55/2016

When asked in surveys about their voting record, many respondents tend to report having gone to the polls, although they have not. The consequence is a large and significant turnout overreporting, with negative consequences upon the validity of many investigations in the field of voting behaviour. An individual’s tendency to exaggerate his/her voting record is usually the combined effect of several factors: social desirability bias, limitations of human memory, and acquiescence response bias. This article assesses the effectiveness of counter-biasing techniques in compensating for the social desirability bias and, consequently, reducing self-reported turnout. It compares the effects of three alternatives of ‘loaded’ turnout questions, providing variable information on the occurrence of non-voting behaviour (many people/around half of the people/one out of two people did not vote) and invariant face-saving response options. Self-reported turnout is compared against externally validated turnout. We employ a split-ballot survey experiment included in the 2009 Romanian Presidential Election panel study. Our analyses show that the ‘half’ counter-biasing formula is systematically more effective in reducing the social desirability bias than the alternatives, which perform rather similarly. When compared to validated turnout, it appears that, after applying the counter-biasing techniques, turnout overreporting due to social desirability remains at 5.7 to 8.6 percent.

Vienas iš trijų: seimo pirmininko statusas ir vaidmuo

Author(s): Sigita Trainauskienė / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 3 (83)/2016

The article analyses the role of a Parliament Speaker as a leader of one of the main institutions in representative democracy. The analysis is based on the premises of the theories of neoinstitutionalism and political leadership; the basic types of roles a speaker may have in different political systems are reviewed; and the established Lithuanian practice is studied accordingly. There are constitutional, statutory, traditional and ceremonial, procedural, and administrative functions and powers that are usually attributed to the Speaker, but the primary function of the presiding officer of a parliament is to conduct debates in parliament, to control its agenda as well as to represent the institution. While performing one’s tasks, the Speaker may be seen as a party asset as in the US Congress or a neutral chairman as in the UK House of Commons, however, neutrality by many scholars is seen as a basic feature attributed to this office. The studies conducted in the framework of institutionalisation of parliaments highlight several criteria inherent in highly-institutionalised legislatures such as professionalism of its leadership (i.e. long congressional career path) and “well-boundedness” of an institution (i.e. no lateral entry from outside), among other things. Scholars also highlight that it is not only formal powers but also subjective factors depending on a concrete personality that define the authority and the actual role the Speaker plays in the political process. The role of a Speaker of the Seimas is analysed based on theoretical criteria. After examination of the legal basis, status, formal powers of the Speaker of the Seimas as well as other factors, it is possible to conclude the following: • The role of the presiding officer of the Parliament in Lithuania has changed since the beginning of the independence period due to changing constitutional arrangements, legal framework and political circumstances; despite the existence of collective bodies in the Seimas – the Board of the Seimas and the Conference of Chairs, at present Speaker of the Seimas is an individual leader. • Although formally it is the second highest position in the hierarchy of state officers having mandate to substitute the head of the state, according to the established informal practice it is only the third official in terms of political power, being overshadowed by Prime Minister. That is why, it is only the “third choice” for politicians in their political career. • Speaker of the Seimas can be described as a “party asset” type of a Speaker because of his/her relatively broad procedural powers and active political role played by the person despite the formal requirement to suspend one’s membership in the party group – there were several Speakers who retained their formal party leadership while in office. • A selection mechanism for the Office of the Speaker, i.e. inter-party negotiations for the governing coalition, is by far the most important informal variable defining the choice of the person and his/her behaviour later on while in office. Political conjuncture also stipulates relative instability of the Office and the change of Speaker without completing their full term (which is a rather seldom phenomena in Western parliaments). Party discipline and necessity to form a ruling coalition overrides even a secret ballot procedure in election of a Speaker thus diminishing the authority of an institution (the cases of re-voting for Arūnas Valinskas and a sudden replacement of Vydas Gedvilas by Loreta Graužinienė in the middle of their term). • Despite the weakness and instability of the party system in Lithuania, with “newcomers” in the Parliament and the highest political offices, there is a tendency to elect persons with longer previous parliamentary experience for the Office of Speaker, especially from long-established parties. However, the prestige and authority of Speaker often depends on subjective factors and concrete personality occupying the position. Not only the circumstances of the time but also the personality of the politician shape the role and tasks the Speaker performs. In view of the essential role of political leaders in the building of institutions, the analysis of a Speaker’s role in a new democracy seems to be especially meaningful, thus providing an important additional insight into the institutionalisation studies of legislatures.

GENDER QUOTAS IN POLITICS. A SHORT ANALYSIS

Author(s): Dan Mihalache,Sabin Drăgulin / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2016

This short study is meant to present an overview of the gender equality issue in Romanian politics, starting from a quantitative analysis and using the statistics regarding women representation in Romania and in the Parliaments of EU member states. The authors also examine different approaches of the gender equality issue in Romania and the attempts that were made to address it.

Драмата на българския народностен характер през годините на преход

Author(s): Trendafil Atanasov Mitev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2014

The character of a nation is a system of sustainable and lasting repetitive stereotypes that create a bright /even unique/ but conscious, public outspokenness, the distinctive features, which the representatives of a nation posses, manifested in specific social activities. This study examined the achievements in character development of the Bulgarian nation in recent decades. The author argues, that in the presence of a strong state, developed economy and a functional system for the production of cultural products, the Bulgarian national character observes a peak phase (from the 60s to the 80s of the twentieth century) in the development of its democratic potential. Politically and ideologically unprepared (and chaotically executed) the transition to democracy after November 10, 1989 in Bulgaria, creates a situation, where the Bulgarian national character experiences a civilization breakdown. Rapid deterioration of the socio-economic situation in the country led to unprecedented impoverishment of the broad masses and created significant changes in the thoughts, feelings, emotions, motivations and forms of adequate human behavior in both the private and the public life of the population. Thus the previously existing condition of comfort has been largely lost and the individual is faced with unfamiliar alternatives for planning of their personal and family future.

Electoral prescribers. Who are they?

Author(s): Constantin Sasu,Marius Sorin Dangă / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 37/2016

The decision to vote and choosing among the candidates is an extremely important one with repercussions on everyday life by determining, in global mode, its quality for the whole society. Therefore the whole process by which the voter decides becomes a central concern. Prescribers, supposed to have a big influence on the electoral market, are a component of the microenvironment political organizations. These are people who occupy important positions that can influence the behavior of others. In the political environment, prescribers are known under the name of "opinion formers", "opinion leaders", "mediators" (Beciu, 2009) or "influencers" (Keller and Berry, 2003 Weimann, 1994). This paper aims to review the central opinions on what is the influence prescribers, opinion makers on voting behavior, voting and decisions on whether and how they act?

Rođeni da (ne) glasaju: demografske karakteristike kao prediktori izborne apstinencije u Crnoj Gori

Author(s): Slaven Živković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 13/2017

First studies about voting behaviour have almost explicitly focused their attention to examining why citizens vote as they do, or finding predictors that can explain the outcome of the vote. Development of rational choice theories, about citizen as rational individual, but also the turnout decline in almost all Western democracies, led to a raising level of interest for question – why do citizens vote at all? More precisely – why some citizens don’t vote? Empirical findings that proved that non-voters are not randomly distributed among electorate grew even bigger enigma around this issue. Voters’ mobilization has almost universally been accepted as one of the best cures for abstention. Yet, political parties and candidates, who are the only one who have the incentive to mobilize, seems to think about electoral mobilization and conversion primarily in terms of identifiable social groups. Mobilized citizens usually perceive the massage that has been addressed to the whole social group individual is member of. This paper tend to test whether in Montenegro being a member, or not being a member, of some groups in society (such as gender, age, education, geographical, national… groups) affect the lack of electoral participation. Using the data from first post-electoral survey in Montenegro (CSES) phenomenon of abstention will be examined in logistic regression model with demographic variables as predictors.

Jirg Štajner - Osnovi deliberativne demokratije – empirijsko istraživanje i normativne implikacije

Author(s): Stefan Surlić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 13/2017

Субјекти и фактори политичког лидерства

Author(s): Živko Kulić,Goran B. Milošević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 4/2013

In accordance with changes in society, leadership transformed from static, outdated and stereotypical model to active, effective, fruitful and flexible management model. Instead of command, control, noise and superior behaviour characteristic for the management system, emphasis is placed on behaviour, action and practical activities of a leader, his/her skills and abilities and his/her talent and gift. The essence of leadership comes down to process of shaping the behavior of people in an organization. Leadership is inherent to all areas of human work and activities, and hence the presence of leadership is typical not only in the field of entrepreneurship, but also in political activity of people. People should be won over, gathered around a specific idea, and motivated to focus their knowledge and abilities, their creative energy and potentials towards achieving political or other goals and tasks of the organization. Political leadership should be understood as the process which directs the activity of the members of the team (group or political party) towards achieving the objectives and goals of political organizations. Leadership implies two sides: the leader who creates a vision, and followers (subordinates) who support the vision and follow the ideas and plans of the leader. The activities of a leader must be focused on the effectiveness, that is, on finding real and acceptable political action. Nature of activities of a leader also depends on his/her position in the political organization. Although all holders of political leadership in a given political organization are responsible for adapting to change and achieving the goal of political action, that does not mean that their level of responsibility is equal. Political leadership is integral part of political space, but also an indispensable element of successful work of political organization. Leadership implies the ability to influence other people to cooperate and to contribute to achieving the overall goals and objectives of political organization through their work and actions. Hence, the basic features of political leadership result from its nature and the relevant facts related to the term. Generally, in the literature prevails opinion that political leadership can also be recognized as leadership in other areas of human activities. Thus, the political leadership is identified by the following features: the fact that not only leader participates in it, but also all members of the organization; it relies on human resources rather than on technical and technological superiority; it attempts to monitor changes in the environment, to project changes in the organization and to ensure the necessary adjustments. Political leadership is a collective process which involves both the leaders and members of political organizations (their followers). Such observations lead to the conclusion that the subjects of political leadership are leaders and their followers. Leader is a person able to shape the vision and project strategy of work and development of a political organization, as well as to win over members of political parties to believe in the vision and strategy in order to become loyal followers, willing to invest additional efforts to achieve the set goals and tasks. The process of leadership, as noted, besides leaders, also includes members of political organization, regardless of what they do, their professional profile, how much experience they have and what their contribution to the work is.Activities of political leadership do not depend solely on the leader and his/her abilities, qualities and skills, but also on a number of factors which may include: personal features of leader; features of members of political parties or subordinates; and characteristics of environment. From the aforementioned, one can draw a general conclusion that the performance of political organization is result of individual features (leader’s and party members’), the efforts and organizational support.

Entrenching Sustainable Democratic Participation of Women in Politics: The Option of the All Progressives Congress Gubernatorial Primary in Ondo State, Nigeria

Author(s): Oluwatoyin Dorcas Ayimoro / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

The democratic participation of women in politics and decisionmaking is largely dismal especially, in party representation to elective positions despite, their population and participation in Franchise .Although, there had been deliberate attempt to empower women to seek elective positions through non- payment of party nomination forms as a concession to boost their participation especially, by the All Progressives Congress Party yet, patriarchy, gender bias and stereotype; religion, ethnicity, the forms of education received by the Nigerian society through colonization has not translated into consciousness raising towards reflection and action for a deliberate change of the status quo which the APC intend to foster. This paper therefore, utilizes Freire’s theoretical approach of consciousness raising of the individual in adult learning as a liberating factor to stem the societal anomaly that tend to obstruct the development of the nation. It proposes Lifelong learning as a continuum and Freire’s philosophy among the people to articulate and promote competencies to adapt to a knowledge based society, which builds on cultural values but devoid of factors of inequality towards entrenching sustainable democratic participation of women in politics.

O политичкој опозицији

Author(s): Slobodan P. Orlović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2017

An opinion which is opposed to the ruling and majority opinion, or at least adjusted, is the opposition opinion. Transferred to the policy, it means that activity of political opposition implies a criticism of the government. Opposition political parties are creators and carriers of that criticism and the condition of existence of a democratic state. In a democratic state the government establishes and implements a comprehensive political plan on which is influenced by the institutionalized opposition, primarily by resistance. The opposition has in its hands specific factual and legal tools that not only contest measures of the government, but tries to present itself better to the public opinion. Those tools are: protests, promotions, reports and many legal instruments, from legislative and constitutional initiative to the review of constitutionality of legal acts. An opinion which is opposed to the ruling and majority opinion, or at least adjusted, is the opposition opinion. Transferred to the policy, it means that activity of political opposition implies a criticism of the government. Opposition political parties are creators and carriers of that criticism and the condition of existence of a democratic state. In a democratic state the government establishes and implements a comprehensive political plan on which is influenced by the institutionalized opposition, primarily by resistance. The opposition has in its hands specific factual and legal tools that not only contest measures of the government, but tries to present itself better to the public opinion. Those tools are: protests, promotions, reports and many legal instruments, from legislative and constitutional initiative to the review of constitutionality of legal acts. However, the mechanism in which the opposition trusts the most, are elections. In democratic countries, the reality is a periodic changeof the government by elections. This requires legal and political conditions which give the opposition a chance to win. It doesn’t mean that longer stay in the opposition is a sign of lack of democracy, nor that frequent change of political parties in governing is the proof of a democratic nature of the system. Political and the overall social conditions of each state, as well as some specific circumstance or detail, affect the outcome – victory or defeat in the elections. Opposition political parties in stable democracies are part of the system and protect it. Over time, they mitigate the ideological diversity in regard to the ruling party, as well as in regard to other parties in the parliament, and even outside it. This convergence of programs of the parties raises the question of how much people actually have the possibility to elect. Also, the loss of the political identity of opposition and their adopting of the reform character, weakens their power. The opposition has become, from the contrary and vanguard, a potential “partner” with a limited power also because it is institutionally linked with the parliament. Thus the parliament is in effect managed by the government, or by the ruling political party. Opposition parties in Serbia during the 25-year history of multiparty have gone through different phases – from the uncompromising opponents to the potential and actual allies of government. In view of legal position, all registered political parties are equal in the Constitution and statute, with the proviso that statute makes some differences between large and small, ordinary and minority parties. Even pure proportional electoral system mathematically puts all parties in the same position. In political sense, most parties do not save ideological consistency, but they are practically ready to make an alliance with any other party. It reflects negatively on the political opposition attractiveness and disables it to achieve lasting support in certain social groups. This portrays the fact that in the circumstances of financial support and marketing success, institutionalized opposition party can win in elections. And after that quickly loses voters and falls to the level of electoral census because another has greater resources and better (more expensive) promotion.

Правне последице штрајка

Author(s): Danilo Rončević,Dejan Kostić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2017

The right to strike now belongs to the corpus of fundamental human rights, protected by national constitutions and laws, but also by many international political and legal documents. However, at the international level, despite the large number of sources of the right to strike, there are no unified rules about the necessary conditions for the legality of the strike. Also, the consequences which arise as a result of organizing and / or participating in (un)lawful strike differ from one to another legal system. When the strike is legitimate and when not; what kind of strikes are allowed and which are not; which are necessary conditions for organizing a strike; who may have legitimacy to activate this right and with which requirements; and, finally, which are labor-legal, civil-legal, criminal-legal, misdemeanor-legal and administrative-legal consequences of (un)lawful strike, represent questions to which, as a rule, the answer can be given only by specific national legislation.

Ponašanje i uloga medija u predizbornom periodu

Author(s): Tanja Petrović,Mirjana Milošević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2007

In developed democratic societies today, electoral campaigns are being identified with media campaigns. Advance of media technology and public focus on media, especially electronic ones, as the main source of information influence electoral behaviour of political parties and their media representation. Independence of the media and their unbiased reporting should play a key role in presentation of political options for the citizens to consider. Fair and balanced reporting should be a guarantee that the citizens have been properly informed and have made rational decisions. Monitoring of pre-electoral behaviour of media during campaign leading to parliamentary elections for the members of Serbian Parliament in January 2007 has shown that main election race was between marketing experts and marketing agencies hired by political parties and not between political parties and their platforms. Results of the monitoring indicate that media reporting was impartial without favouring any political party, but they failed to provide independent analysis of electoral themes and promises. It can be concluded that media acted as channels which presented party propaganda without any intervention and professional distance. Guided by very restrictive General binding instructions of Republic Broadcasting Agency which required equal representation of different political options, pre-electoral reporting was sterile and uninformative for the citizens.

Politika prisustva: Kako onlajn aktivnosti uobličavaju oflajn aktivizam

Author(s): Douglas Rushkoff / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 12/2014

the author explores how the internet and the new media are changing the way that we communicate, act and think, individually and collectively, through the example of the occupy Wall Street Movement. the author claims that the occupy Movement, as a post-narrative project conceived in a digital environment, is less of a political activity, and more a new way of behavior for its members and for the society at large. Its focus on consensus building and its modus operandi are reflecting the principles of the Internet, web-organization and cooperation. therefore, its success is not about achieving any particular political aim, or winning an election, but about the general acceptance of these values and their becoming part of a wider political agenda.

Okupiraj Volstrit: neoklasični društveni pokret 21. veka

Author(s): Milan Radonjić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 12/2014

joint effect of 2008 economic crises and continous world-wide present deficite of political legitimacy have in 2011 given birth to global resistance, but also facilitated development of its new strategies and tactics. aldough we are still by large able to understand these contemporary models of collective action with help of new Social Movement theory, today they objectivelly grasp a wider field of meaning, mainly for reason of their demands for radical transformation of both economic and political system. Contemporary social movements are still struggling for re-interpretation of meaning, and identity issues, but not any more for any particular goal. Instead, they seek systemic change. this extremelly important shift of strategic orientation, which makes new movements a bit old – that is classical, remains in our oppinion, undervalued both in academic, and general public for the reasons that we will try to comprehend, in this writing.

Aluzyjny eurosceptycyzm w debatach prezydenckich w 2015 roku

Author(s): Marcin Piechocki / Language(s): Polish Issue: 10/2016

Foreign policy was not a significant part of the presidential campaign. It has been dominated by Russia and the issue of NATO bases in eastern Europe. Although Poles are among the biggest supporters of European integration, as a result of immigration crisis the group of people dissatisfied with European decisions, considered as a violation of sovereignty is growing. Since such persons are not opponents of integration as such, candidates resorted to more or less euro-skeptic speech. Some of them used the allusive Euro-skepticism to speak as supporters of integration and the presence of Polish EU and at the same time indicate the areas in which Poland will not agree to EU regulations.

The Eurasian Economic Union: between co-existence, confrontation and cooperation with the EU

Author(s): Andrei Kinyakin / Language(s): English Issue: 10/2016

The article analyses integration process in the post-soviet space as well as Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) as a product of Eurasian integration. The EEU as newly created integration structure has a problem of fending the suitable form of interrelations with the European Union– the biggest integration structure ever.The issue of fending common grounds between the EEU and the EU especially important given the fact that the Eurasian Union is a bloc led by Russia – one of the biggest European trade partner and long-standing political counterpart, which within a couple of years is at odds with the EU due to the political problems, connected with the Ukrainian conflict as well as the geopolitical tension between Russia and the West.The start of the dialogue between the EU and the EEU, which has the certain potential, seems rather unlike to place in short- and medium-term perspective. In order to start the dialogue both parties have to solve not only economic issues (institutionalization of relationship, harmonization of trade), but also improve political agenda by starting to elaborate a joint agenda.The main point for the time being: the interrelationship between the EEU and the EU could evolve within the co-existence scenario, which envisages maintenance of the current status-quo– non institutionalized relationship. In order to change it as well as to single out the appropriate approach for framing the future relationship with the Eurasian Economic Union the European Union should take into account many factors, putting the special emphasis on the Russia’s role within the EEU as well as conflicting nature of Eurasian project, which is only to prove its viability as integration structure.