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The article raises the issue of the connection between the political agenda of the Italian Five Star Movement (Movimento 5 Stelle) and the performative gestures and actions of its spokesman and leader, former comedian Beppe Grill. After a brief introduction outlining Grill’s path from theatricality to politics, the article shows how he consciously uses his body as a means of certifying the truth of the words he speaks. All this leads to the conclusion that, considered as a whole, including his body, Grill expresses a commitment that is more than merely a means of impressing voters. It is also an incentive for them to take personal responsibility for the fate of their own country, which is expressed in the main point in the movement’s programme: moving away from representative democracy towards a citizen’s democracy.
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The main focus of this article is to provide analysis of the discursive production of reference points of state apparatuses (more specifically: Police, Ministry of the Interior and Security Information Service). The argumentation base of this paper consists mainly of data analysis and interpretation. Data pool for this effort consists in teleport of analytically relevant parts of official websites that belong to the selected parts of state apparatuses. I try to provide interpretation of data in accordance to the dispositive of penal legitimacy. As main methodological tool is utilized critical discourse analysis. In accordance to critical discourse analysis, I was mainly concerned with the level of discourse production. More specifically, I was concerned with analysis, of how is created the discourse of penality in relation to state apparatuses.
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The goal of the research was to analyse the development of the idea of the public service broad-casting (PSB) in Lithuania as one of Post-Soviet countries that restored its independence in 1990. The Lithuanian case serves in revealing the great variety of ways to interpret the idea of the PSB, the possibilities to manipulate various notions, and the way the fate of the PSB can be affected by politicians and competing business groups. In this research we distinguished the following stages of the PSB concept formation in Lithuania: the first debates (the development of legislative basis), and attempts of influence – the so-called depoliticisation, decommercialisation, and optimization. In order to achieve it, we ana-lysed the Lithuanian legislation and its amendments, parliamentary discussions, and press publications. We also compared the Lithuanian PSB concept with the Western perception. It was concluded that despite of the official declarations about further limiting the interference with the national service broadcaster, there actually were the attempts of influence and politicisation. Politicisation by depoliticising. In pursuit of changing the Lithuanian Radio and Television (LRT) management the procedure of LRT Council formation was changed in 1996-1997: representatives were delegated by 15 creative and public organisations. The principles of public organisations selection have been criticised. Politicisation by de-commercialising. In 2000-2002, the LRT was criticised because of its commercialisation and non-performance of its mission. It was intended to develop a special funding system whereby the LRT should submit the Seimas with a funding plan and evidences justifying that the anticipated programmes are in compliance with the national mission. Introduction of such amendments could pose a risk of direct political interference with the LRT management and formation of the programme content. Politicisation by optimising. In 2009-2010 the attempts were made to radically reform the LRT management. The criticism related to linkage of the LRT Council members mandate with the political calendar, possibility of recalling the Council members by the delegating institutions and organisations, and the right of the Seimas Committee to approve or reject the strategy of the LRT programming. In 2014, a new financing model of the LRT has been developed, following which the LRT in 2015 discontinued broadcasting the commercial ads (except for certain established cases). The LRT financing is known in advance and calculated on the basis of the budget revenue and excise duty collection results of a preceding calendar year.
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Through a case study analysis, this paper applies crisis communication theories and models to investigate how the vocal disputes and ownership controversies over the biggest Polish mobile operator were handled by Polish and international corporations. It specifically addresses such issues as necessity (or lack thereof) of maintaining open and unlimited communication with media and through media in crises, significance of media and their use by all parties involved, the role of the PR advisors during a major corporate conflict, and a self- bounded nature of communication during serious corporate controversies. The paper is aimed at bridging the gap between PR theory and practice, mainly by advising businesses how to handle crises and conflicts. The last notion on discrepancy between PR theory and practice is also based on an experience of the author, an academic and a seasoned PR practitioner, who participated in several crisis communication programs, including the one described in the study.
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In this essay, the research attention turns to some of the general characteristics of the campaign for presidential elections in Serbia, the topics and issues that presidential candidates launched, which are part of the general framework of the election campaign. The author points out that one of the key characteristics of a short campaign is its negative character, despite claims that all participants had a constructive positive campaign. Compared to the previous presidential election in 2012, the essay needs to offer an answer to the question if during the presidential election of 2017. same topics were actualized, and if so, whether they are brought to life only for the purpose of promotion of the presidential candidates and further strengthening of their credibility. In order to understand the wider context of the elections, at the beginning of the essay have been shown the pre-election situation and calculations between presidential candidates so that there can be created adequate election strategy and defining election bid.
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This study examines the use of Facebook in political communication during the 2009 European Parliament elections campaign. Its goal is to explore the possibilities of the European Parliament communication strategy on Facebook as well as the interaction and participation of its online audiences. The analysis has discovered new concepts significant for the field of online political advertising, the specific campaign construction with its key themes and the particular form of interaction. The original contribution of this paper is seen in its efforts to reveal the campaign of the European Parliament on Facebook, which was not previously studied.
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In this paper, we analyze and explain the importance of critical thinking for the proper functioning and development of democracy in contemporary society. The starting point is Habermas' concept of communicative action, which emphasizes the importance of genuine participation of citizens in the process of mutual discovery, negotiation and formulation of public interest. In this frame of reference, we explore specific abilities, skills and dispositions that are to be developed in order to strengthen the democratic capacities of society. Critical thinking skills, especially argumentation and evaluation of arguments, are recognized as a basic prerequisite for a rational and competent citizen participation in democratic processes. Although necessary, they are not sufficient: to achieve mutual understanding, as the authentic goal of communicative action, the development of dialogical and reflective thinking is necessary, as well as the cultivation of intellectual values that constitute a critical attitude. Affirmation of emancipatory, versus purely instrumental rationality, requires the systematic cultivation of critical consciousness and participatory models of behavior, especially among young people. Only the development of all these critical thinking constituents can contribute to realizing the democratic potential of public debate and rich information resources, as well as to overcoming the crisis of legitimacy of democracy, reflected in citizens’ skepticism towards democratic institutions and reduction of their participation in democratic process.
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Starting from the premise that the open political communication is an essential element of modern politics, the authors search for symbolic exchange of arguments, facts and information between Serbian state representatives and opposition, specially researching the role of daily papers and their importance in creating of political culture. The focus is on content discourse identification, whereby the ossification of the political communication process, one way and propaganda, from the top down, that is from government to citizens, is noticed by quantitative and qualitative analysis. New forms of narration reveal the dominant content: the text is changed by esthetical image, the critical depth – narcissistic surface, and firm argumentation and journalist research withdraw in front of marketing persuading, cheap entertainment and tabloidization. Daily papers in Serbia voluntarily cover themselves with golden dust of PR services and agencies, mediating the reality in which powerful elite and rich advertisers live, but not ordinary impoverished, looking ahead into the future people. Hence, there is increasingly evident decline in circulation; instead of being public “Argus eye”, press is more and more a bulletin board of political parties and undercover tycoons, ground for slandering and discrediting political rivals. The referential political frame is created behind the public coulisse, thus it may be concluded that the Serbian society is still far from participating democracy model, with comprehensive citizen’s participation who by the process of free opinion forming and will change community for the purpose of common good.
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Basic theoretical orientation of this article is observation of the notion of public as socio-cultural space, and as specific temporary way of social communication and organization. Observation is organized in such way that can include analyzes of particular aspects of relation between public and media audience, and relations between public and culture. In this article is incorporated, and connected with notion of public, specific interpretation of discourse and social power. Controversy related to this problem is theoretical depart in basic approach of the social power of the public, on one hand (Habermas observation of power related to public discourse) and to the power relation in public communication, dominant discourse in public sphere, on the other (M. Fukos s observations of discourse power). We have also incorporated theoretical approach of V. Price, which is focused in connection of two level of analyzes: individual and collective processes of cognition and decision making/ formation of public opinion, in kontekst of analyzing process of social communication.
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Russians and Westerners access, process and communicate information in different ways. Whilst Westerners favour detailed analysis of subject matter, Russians tend to focus on certain components that are, in their view, significant. This disparity makes it difficult to achieve constructive dialogues between Western and Russian stakeholders contributing to cross-cultural communication problems. The author claims that the difference in the ways Russians and Westerners negotiate information is a significant cultural difference between Russia and West rather than an irritating (and in principle amenable) lack of analytical skills on the Russian partners’ part. Understanding the reasons behind the Russian-specific approaches to dealing with information would be a positive step towards a more effective crosscultural communication, important in business situations and essential in diplomacy.
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The main goal of this article is to present the attitude of authorities of Polish People’s Republic towards the southern extension of the European Community of Spain and Portugal between 1962 and 1986. In this article, among other things, the classified correspondence between the Polish diplomats who were allocated to posts in Rome, Madrid and Paris, and the fourth department of Polish People’s Republic’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has been presented. Those materials showed the Polish estimated assessment of a long and complicated process of adaptability of both Iberian countries to the requirements of the European Community. This article has also presented the responses of the Polish press (i.e. Trybuna Ludu, Życie Warszawy, Polityka)to the cooperation of both countries and EWG.
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Vedrana Rudan, a Croatian writer, publicist, and blogger, has become a famous public person, thanks to her constant presence in different media. Her strategies are presented in the paper as a conscious branding. It means that the writer tries to be present not only in the literary field, but successfully uses different channels of communication, in order to gain public recognition. Main ways of writer’s communication are discussed in the paper, among them: a blog, social media, TV performances, and author sessions. The paper argues that Rudan are not an example of celebrity, but her drive to recognition is related more with an ideological involvement, very close to the idea of social responsibility of intellectuals. Her strategies aim to influence the audience, create an emotional community and protest against the political reality in Croatia.
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The paper presents ambiguity phenomena in terms of cognitive categorization and blending processes. Politicians’ manifesto speeches are analysed based on Lakoff’s and Langacker’s semantics and Langacker’s grammar research investigation, resulting in describing ambiguity phenomena more as the sender’s or receiver’s mental concepts than as a linguistic property of the message. Moreover, cognitive points of view in the research on ambiguity reveals its multileveled nature due to the polysemic nature of mental categories or blends.
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This short text is a personal impression of an event that took place in Paris, France. In 2016, a self-organized movement called Nuit debout served as a ground for people to seek a practical resolution to a social problem, and, more importantly, to express their freedom. In the process, a sign language was developed to accommodate the need for the communication of a large number of people.
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Pojam globalizacije se odnosi na skup procesa koji vode sažimanju sveta i povećavanju globalnih veza. Ako se on uvede u studije televizije, govori se o tome da je globalizacija televizije povezana s razvojem tehnologije, globalnim transformacijama ekonomije, različitih institucija i kulture.
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This paper is part of a bigger project where I try to evaluate and merge different philosophical and sociological approaches in order to understand and show how new technologies could change political life. This article aims to propose conceptual instruments suitable for that endeavor through the analysis of a small example of postmodern life - Digital Vigilantism - and based on ideas of Daniel Trottier, Zygmunt Bauman, and Michel Foucault. The swarm is a metaphor used by Zygmunt Bauman to show how the understanding of communities is changed in liquid modernity. Swarms are based on untied, uncontrolled, short-term relationships between consumers/users that are formed with the express purpose of achieving some goals. Swarms could be massive in numbers and have a lot of power for a quite short period. One such example could be Digital Vigilantism, which is an act of punishing certain citizens - those believed to be deserving of punishment by Internet users. One particular form of digital vigilantism is disclosing someone’s personal information (addresses, phone numbers, emails, Facebook accounts, etc.) for everybody to see in order to spread shaming acts. The acts of DV sometimes gain enough power to change the political agenda. The problem is that the interest of people to solve certain issues is often extremely short; meanwhile, a sustainable political act/change requires an active and stable effort for a much longer period. The main intrigue lies in whether the political act itself can change from being influenced by the swarm effect.
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This article examines the use of Telegram as a means of political communication by the ruling political elite in Russia (both external, i.e., communication with the society and other political forces, and internal, i.e., between different, often rival, groups within the elite itself). While Telegram is illegal at the official level, and attempts have been made to block it in Russia since April 2018, unofficially the Russian authorities continue to actively use Telegram channels for political communication and influencing public opinion as well as for monitoring the mood of the public. What is the reason for this ambivalent attitude toward Telegram? What makes it so attractive for the Russian establishment? How are the authorities using Telegram for their own purposes? Answering these questions is the main goal of this study.
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The article explores the transformations of Petrograd institutions in charge of press censorship carried out in 1919. The author pays attention to previously little-known facts about the transfer of supervisory functions in the field of publishing. It was established that the Commissariat of press, agitation, and propaganda, which continued to perform the role of press censorship in Petrograd in the first half of 1919, was later transformed into the Department of press, agitation, and propaganda of the Petrograd Soviet. Back in September, the Petrograd branch of the state publishing house began to supervise the press. In early October, the St. Petersburg Committee of the RCP (b) prepared mobilization for the southern front and adopted a resolution on eliminating the Department of press, propaganda, and propaganda. The transferal of functions of press censorship to the Petrograd office of the state publishing house was issued by its resolutions, but in November its Board, in the presence of V.V.Vorovsky (the head of the State publishing house) and at the initiative of I.I.Ionov (head of the Petrograd office), decided to offer Petrograd Council to establish the Department of the press as it was already organized in Moscow and prescribed by the resolution of SNK of July 22/24, 1919.
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The peculiarities of the relationship between the image of the regional leader and the media vision of the region have been studied based on the Republic of Tatarstan. The overview of the problem has been performed in the historical discourse based on the content analysis of the main federal mass media for the periods of 1960–1961 and 1990–2010. The research on peculiarities in the development of the image of F.A. Tabeev and M.Sh. Shaimiev, two regional leaders, has been performed. It has been revealed that the image of both leaders developed in line with the evolution of the region image. The features of media image development have been analyzed in the historical discourse: in the framework of the Soviet ideology and controlled journalism (the media image of F. Tabeev) and in the context of the post-Soviet era and free media (the media image of M.Sh. Shaimiev). Changes in the interpretation of “Tatarstan” facts have been discussed. The evolution of views has been found: from the subjective position and rigid assessments of the struggle of national republics for sovereignty to an objective approach and the adoption of a regional development strategy. Several stages have been identified in the regional leader growth. The vector of development of the image of the Republic of Tatarstan has been considered in the nationwide context.
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