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Унутарпартијска демократија у Српској

Author(s): Vlade Simović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 11/2016

The research question that is in focus of this paper is organization of relevant political parties in The Republic of Srpska, as well as the degree of internal democracy in political parties. By using Sartori's theoretical determination of the relevance of the political parties, we are coming to the conclusion that there are six relevant political parties in the current (2014) convocation of The National Assembly of The Republic of Srpska (SNSD, SDS, DNS, PDP and NDP). Using theoretical criteria such as: member inclusion, centralization and institutionalization of political parties, given by Susan Scarrov, we are conducting the research of degree of internal democracy in political parties in The Republic of Srpska. With this theoretical form, we shall determinate the type of the democracy to which political parties are belonging to. The four types of internal democracies in political parties (parties of the low level of democracy, parties of democratic centralism, individualist and elitist type of the parties, and the parties of full democracy) will be borrowed from Goran Čular to set up the parties form Republic of Srpska to the proper type. Previous studies and political practice in the Republic of Srpska are showing us that there is a low degree of internal democracy in political parties. Internal relations in the political parties are often leading to internal splits within the parties, which is having consequences even in destabilization of the parliamentary majority in the National Assembly. Political parties based in Republic of Srpska are having a competitive relationship within themselves, but the oppositional one in connection to the relevant parties based in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This position is making them as a unique block-party that is opposed to Bosniaks and Croatian block-parties from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to that, as well as to the democratic processes within the political parties and beyond them, new dimension of tolerance of the low level of democracy in the political parties is becoming mainstream in The Republic of Srpska, which is nothing than a pure national and entity logic of activity of political parties.

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Koncept politických príležitostí ako impulz rozvoja cezhraničnej spolupráce

Author(s): Irina Dudinská,Anna Polačková,Michal Cirner / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 2/2017

The theory of political opportunity structures stems from political sociology. It was originally used to research social and political movements. At present, it can be practically used for the interpretation of the factors that create opportunities to develop cross-border cooperation. Also, it can be applied to the ability of the local actors to exploit the opportunities they offer.

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„Profesionalaus“ pilietinio dalyvavimo įtaka demokratijos defcitui

Author(s): Jolanta Bielskienė / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 39 (01)/2016

This paper examines the new forms of political participation, whose central feature is not a gathering power of political solidarity, but a cheque book participation that developed in recent decades as a result of neoliberal policies. This so called “professionalised” approach overtakes traditional grassroots activists’ practises. Political solidarity – one of the three essential elements of democracy (together with freedom and equality) – has been gradually replaced by managerial techniques resulting in a deepening deficit of democracy. One of the reasons behind the changing trends in political participation is the so-called professionalisation of the non-governmental sector, when hired administrators substitute face-to-face grassroots actions by managerial sales strategies. As a result, we see more individualised participatory actions which do not aim at changing any existing political institutions into more socially just ones. Individualised civic participation changes the traditional forms and motives of political solidarity as well as political mobilisation; as a result, democratic citizenry experiences are reduced to political participation.

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Argumentavimas remiantis teisės principais: atkuriamasis ir plėtojamasis būdai

Author(s): Johanas Baltrimas,Mindaugas Lankauskas / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 85 (3)/2014

In his dissenting opinion in Lochner v. New York case, O. W. Holmes famously stated that general propositions do not decide concrete cases. There are many others who claim similarly. Among them F. Schauer states that such concepts as liberty, equality do not strongly determine answers in legal questions – although not totally vague, they require additional premises in order to be applied in concrete cases. This study, among other questions, focuses on what these additional premises are when it comes to application of legal principles. Besides this, a goal is raised to seek out what views on application of legal principles are dominating in jurisprudence. Perhaps the most important topic in the study is the matter of two perspectives to reasoning with legal principles. One of them is linked with judicial restraint, it is based on a view that contents of a legal principle can be discovered through earlier cases where it made impact on decisions of judges or legislators. The other perspective is based on argument that positive law (the official and explicit legal texts) is not sufficient for proper dispute resolution and this is where legal principles come to aid – they are the artery through which law is supplied with moral, practical reasons. Based on these views the reconstructive and developmental method to apply principles are contemplated. The former is perceived as analysis and comparison of earlier cases where the disputed principle had impact on judge‘s or legislator‘s decision. Among factors which ought to be evaluated are similarity of these cases to the case which is being dealt with and how widespread is the principle (the variety of these cases). The developmental method is characterized as relying on factors which lie beyond boundaries of formal explicitly expressed law (practical arguments, arbitrator‘s inner sense of justice, etc.). Proper application of this method inter alia can be ensured by the principles of J. Rawls‘ inner position, by arbitrator‘s dissociation from peripheral inappropriate, subjective factors. Evaluation of these methods leads to conclusion that the reconstructive method contributes to legal certainty, easier foreseeing of judicial decisions, includes lesser risk of impartiality and similar factors, so it is superior when there is no or minimum need to develop the law. However, developmental method has the advantage of ensuring material justice and practical outcomes of judicial decision when it comes to cases where there is a strong need to develop the law.

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Tokvilov doprinos političkoj sociologiji

Author(s): Vukašin Pavlović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 8/2014

Po mnogima je francuski politički mislilac Aleksis de Tokvil (Alexis de Tocqueville) preteča sistematske političke sociologije.2 Ejbrahem Ajzenštat (Abraham Eisenstadt) izričito kaže za Tokvilovu čuvenu knjigu Demokratija u Americi : « Tokvil je napisao studiju o društvu i politici, koja se tačno može klasifikovati kao politička sociologija»3 . U uvodnom predgovoru za englesko izdanje ove knjige Džon Stjuart Mil (John Stuart Mill) kaže da je to takva knjiga kakvu bi još samo Monteskje mogao da napiše.

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ФІЛОСОФСЬКА РЕФЛЕКСІЯ СУБ'ЄКТА ВЛАДИ В ТРАДИЦІЙНИХ СУСПІЛЬСТВАХ

Author(s): Mykola Povoroznyk / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 1/2013

The article analyses the peculiarities and the main provisions of the philosophical reflection of the subject of power in traditional societies. The author examines the basic views on the power of philosophers of antiquity (Plato, Aristotle), of the middle ages (Augustine, F. Aquinas), Renaissance (N. Machiavelli).

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Personel urzędniczy radomskiego Magistratu w latach 1915-1939

Author(s): Konrad Słowiński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2017

The main purpose of this article is to present the most important issues related to the status of clercical staff Radom Magistrate (Municipal Board) in the years 1915-1939. Attention is focused here mainly on detailed discussion of basic rights and obligations held by each official, even because of the fact that they exert a strong influence on their work and the tasks entrusted to them. No less important was the show that I had the same status of magistrate officer and which was divided into categories. The article also touched closer to the matter of education and qualifications of clercical staff as well as the preparation of the practical and the theoretical to the functions performed. Attention was also paid to the issue of organized training courses, through which sought to create a modern administrative staff.

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THE POESIS OF A DISCIPLINARY METAMORPHOSIS: RHETORIC AND AMBITION IN AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE AFTER WORLD WAR II

Author(s): Liisi Keedus / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2018

Abstract. The emergence of contemporary political science as a rigorously analytical and empirically based discipline is most commonly dated back to its remaking in the United States after World War II. This article highlights and explores the role of various components of rhetorical strategies deployed in the articulation and presentation of this new political science. In addition reshaping the terminological apparatus with which the ‘revolutionaries’ presented their own endeavours and those of their ‘traditionalist’ predecessors, the case for reforming the discipline was further boosted by the formulation of fantasies of interdisciplinarity as a shortcut to an unprecedented empowering of social knowledge, as well as by utterances of ambitions of the future social role of this new type of science – all three as discursive strategies in their own right.

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Segâh TEKİN, Brezilya Dış Politikası: Gelenek ve Değişim, DER Yayınları, İstanbul, 2017, ISBN: 9753534659

Author(s): Taner Karakuzu,İlker Limon / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 16/2018

Review of: Book Review, Segâh TEKİN, Brazilian Foreign Policy: Tradition and Change, DER Yayınları, İstanbul, 2017, ISBN: 9753534659

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Rawlsova teória verejného rozumu v kontexte súčasných diskusií

Author(s): Martin Csontos / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 3-4/2010

One of typical features of modern liberal democracies is philosophical, ethical and religious pluralism. This wide range of various doctrines and values is on one side very positive fact, on the other side it can cause problems and serious conflicts as well. This article deals with the proposals of American philosopher John Rawls concerning the questions of democratic pluralism, namely with his concept of public reason. It focuses in particular on the relations between public reason and religion, especially on the questions about the meaning and role of religious arguments in political discussion and decision making in the way they are reflected in contemporary philosophical debate.

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Bohater, wojownik i panna: użycie archetypów i mitów w stworzeniu wizerunku ukraińskich polityków

Author(s): Olena Sherman / Language(s): Polish Issue: 11/2014

An important role in the process of image cultivation is played by the technologies, related to the appeal to the archaic layers of mass consciousness, in particular, to the use of archetypes. Analysis of the images of the leading Ukrainian politicians – Arseniy Yacenyuk, Yuliya Timoshenko and Vitaliy Klichko – in 2009–2014 testifies that all of them used as a basis of image-building the archetypes of Hero and Warrior in different variations, such as Hero-warrior, Cultural hero, Lady-warrior. The progress of the use of this technology depends significantly on the personal qualities of each politician, as well as on the social and the political circumstances.

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Przegląd wewnętrznych i regionalnych wyzwań stojących przed integralnością Libanu

Author(s): Piotr L. Wilczyński,Sanan Moradi / Language(s): Polish Issue: 8/2012

Amongst the states were formed after the collapse of Ottoman Empire, Lebanon was a totally different case. This region and its Christian and non-Sunni Muslim residents, was shelter for social, intellectual and even somewhat political independence inside the Ottoman Empire for a long time. After the country’s independence, this demographic mixture with a slight Maronite Christian prominence has always been cause for rivalry, struggle, unrest and even civil war. This situation has even been intensified by regional and international agent’s interventions. In fact, Lebanon is a contrasting scene of local, regional and international policies and tendencies. According to this, religious-sectarian schism in domestic aspect and Israel’s interventions in regional aspect are the most important challenges ahead for Lebanon’s integrity. In this paper, by using librarian method and analyzing available sources and studying the sequence of events, we have tried to consider this and ultimately, Lebanon’s future endurance as an independent political existence. By considering the political history of Lebanon, it seems that religious-sectarian schism and Israel’s interventions are the most important challenges ahead for this country’s integrity. However Lebanon will maintain its political independence in the future.

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Rawls’un Adalet Teorisi Üzerine Marksist Bir Eleştiri

Author(s): Mehmet Kanatlı / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2015

Inspired by many philosophers such as John Locke, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Karl Marx, and John Stuart Mill, Rawls in his famous book called A Theory of Justice puts forward theoretical arguments regarding the notion of social justice. These arguments, based on Rawlsian approach, basically aim to make social justice possible by emphasising on how economic and political institutions that alleviate unfair distribution of rights and income in a given society should be organised. In this regard, this paper, based on Marx’s view of social justice, mainly seeks an answer to the simple question: “Is it possible to construct a just society in the way Rawls puts forward?” Basing arguments on Marx’s view of justice, the paper concludes that Rawls’ theory of justice fails to construct a just society. Rather, it is concluded that Rawls’ theory of justice legitimises economic and political inequalities in a capitalist society.

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Totalitarianisms as systems of lawlessness (Miłosz’s remarks)

Author(s): Zbigniew Kaźmierczyk / Language(s): English Issue: 7/2017

The article accounts for the gnostic individualism in Miłosz’s records. It shows that its essence is not freedom, but self-will. It argues that its premises are existential. Among them we can find the fundamental data of existence: the passage of time, death, growing old of the body, the decomposition of matter, experiencing biological drives as violence and the laws of nature and history as necessity. If existence is experienced that way it bears self-will. The author argues that Miłosz fell into a crisis of gnostic self-will as he realized it leads to the inner split between the evil world and the ideal super-world. He was also aware that this duality implies the aversion to the earthly life and nihilism. The author shows that the experience of self-will served as a tool in the Nobel laureate’s writings to study totalitarianisms. From this perspective Nazism seems to be the self-will inspired by Darwinism, while Communism – the quintessence of Enlightenment idealism. As a result of the deviation of freedom the Nazi Germany and the Bolshevik Russia became the mine of genocide.

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Pitanje o smislu rata kao otuđeno pitanje ili pitanje otuđenja? Između neorealizma Kennetha Waltza, kritike Noama Chomskog i poetike Hermanna Hessea

Author(s): Nenad Vertovšek / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01/145/2017

World War I was the (un)expected situation of frightening intensity that has greatly changed the prior concepts and discussions about the limitations of war operations. It was somewhat “enchanting” for technologists, exciting for the politicians, and shocking for the intellectuals. International relations (through the League of Nations and United Nations) after World War II changed, with silent wars being led by idealists and realists of the theory of politics and international relations. As a neorealist, Kenneth Waltz directs discussion about the meaning of war less towards the matter of human nature, and more towards the questions regarding countries, international systems, and global structure that create the need for a war or the need for establishing peace. He recognizes that modern methods of (philosophy of) politics and political science should still be pervaded with classical approaches, and criteria of philosophical and political thought. In the debate about the nature of war or about the necessity of peace, the concepts of force and the state domination should be exposed. They are carried out in the cultural, technological, and even in the mass media sphere, and here Noam Chomsky’s critical approach is needed. Attitude of the public, the reaction of intellectuals, and the atmosphere which was caused by the First World War has to be (re)affirmed in order to – and through the essays by Hermann Hesse – better face with today’s postmodern dehumanization, and the pointlessness of current concepts and perspectives of War.

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About reform in the work of Ștefan Zeletin

Author(s): Mihaela Rădoi / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2016

Ştefan Zeletin (1882- 1934) – a philosopher, an economist and a sociologist – is one of the household names of Romanian interwar liberalism. He graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy and Classical Philology in Iaşi, and in 1914 he defended his doctoral thesis (and was granted magna cum laude) at the University of Berlin. After finalizing his studies, Zeletin taught at the University of Iaşi. Concerning his work, Ştefan Zeletin did not have the same attitude towards the two aspects of his thought: philosophy and sociology. He considered himself a philosopher who failed to complete his system of thought only because of the tough circumstances. Persuaded that there is an organic connection – yet to be discovered – between the economic life of a country, on one hand, and the political, legal and cultural institutions, on the other, (Claudian 1935) Ștefan Zeletin began his sociological writings, which marked the political and cultural life of those times. The sociological and political works, which had made him known in several settings, were viewed by Zeletin as an episode within his activity, which he would have wanted to be focused on purely philosophical works. The author explains the approach to the practical aspects of social reality by the fact that he was determined to attend various events, which he felt the need to understand. An event that marked him deeply was the War of 1916-1918, to which he took part as an infantry officer; this event drew him closer to the often-disappointing reality of the Romanian society in an ongoing process of construction. “Hence, I decided to make the ultimate sacrifice: to renounce, for now, to any philosophical activity, to get to know our society just like it is and to try to give back to it something that may be in its interest. This also helped me fulfil an ardent desire I had felt on the front where, the carbine on my shoulder, I saw our society collapse like a cardboard castle.” (Zeletin 1927 p. 276) This article aims at unravelling several aspects regarding the life, the work and the sociological view of the author.

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Dediscoursification: A Discourse-Ethical Critique of Discursive Production of the State of War

Author(s): Dražen Pehar / Language(s): English Issue: 01-02/2016

this essay briefly presents the theory of dediscoursification as a theory of one of the major causes of war. Its key claim reads that discursive attitudes, such as lying, self-contradicting, and promise-breaking, ought to be theorized as causes directly contributory to the emergence of the state of war. the essay also explains the sense in which the theory implies a view of language as a generator of the virtual collective body. thirdly, the essay draws on the Peloponnesian war as an empirical evidence in support of the dediscoursification theory and explains why the theory cannot be reconciled with the just war tradition of theorizing on war. Lastly, some ethical, epistemological, and political implications are spelled out to clarify here the theory’s wider commitments to the extent possible.

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NOVA POLITIČKA EKONOMIJA JAMESA BUCHANANA

Author(s): Zdravko Petak / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 03/1991

The new political economy, i.e. the theory of public choice advocated by James Buchanan and the Virginia school, is a contribution to the linking of the political and economic sciences. This is an approach to the process of politics that emerged in the beginning of the 1960s and is an application of economic analysis upon political decision making.

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Machiavellis realistisches Menschenbild und seine Rechtfertigung des Staats

Author(s): Manuel Knoll / Language(s): German Issue: 2/2018

This article examines Machiavelli’s image of humanity. It argues against the prevailing views that characterize it either as pessimistic or optimistic and defends the thesis that the Florentine has a realist image of humanity. Machiavelli is a psychological egoist who conceives of man as a being whose actions are motivated by his drives, appetites, and passions, which lead him often to immoral behavior. Man’s main drives are “ambition” (ambizione) and “avarice” (avarizia). This article also investigates Machiavelli’s concept of nature and shows that, for him, the constancy of human nature is the central premise that makes the scientific analysis of politics possible. Despite the fact that human drives and capabilities are the same at all times, good laws, military training, and religion allow man to be changed and educated toward “virtue” (virtù). To make such changes in man, however, presupposes a good legal and political order. Machiavelli justifies the state because of its capacity to reshape human nature and to improve man. The state is not only a coercive power but a moral institution. This leads to the conclusion that Machiavelli does not separate politics from morality as most scholars claim.

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Simbolički koreni fašizma. Nastanak rimskog fascisa kao konsekracionog instrumenta i insignije vlasti

Author(s): Dragana Jeremić Molnar,Aleksandar Molnar / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2018

In the article the authors are dealing with the function and meaning of fascis in the time of its shaping in ancient Roman monarchy. Like the spear, bundle of rods and axe were perceived as the sign of power in their consecration capacity. Fascis was designed and came to being in order to supply Jupiter with heads and Diana with the blood of citizens of allied cities of Rome. Only later it was introduced as the tool for the punishment of Romans – first outside of finally within the pomerium. Symbolically, it was used to demonstrate the superiority of royal imperium over the liberty of citizens.

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