Vzpon komunistov na oblast: Primerjava Poljske in Jugoslavije

Author(s): Maja Lukanc / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2017

Despite the similarity of experience with the wartime aggression, the communist rise to power in Poland and Yugoslavia proceeded very differently. In both of these countries the communist ascent already started during the war. However, the Yugoslav Communist Party completely consolidated its power already in 1945 by relying on its own forces, while the Polish communists only managed to strengthen their authority two years after the end of the war, thanks to the massive support from the Soviet Union and the presence of the Red Army. The contribution attempts to make a comparative presentation of the rise of the Polish and Yugoslav Communist Parties to power, as well as place an emphasis on the Polish example, which is not as widely known in Slovenia. The contribution also provides a chronological outline of the wartime development of both communist movements, their Parties and the nascent authority bodies. It pays special attention to the factors that influenced the different political and social position of the Polish and Yugoslav communists as well as to the question of how the Parties had to adapt their tactics, methods and tempo of their rise to power.

МЕТОДОЛОГІЯ І ПРАКСЕОЛОГІЯ ДОСЛІДЖЕНЬ ПОЛІТИЧНИХ ПРОЦЕСІВ

Author(s): Liudmyla Mykolaivna Herasina / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 2/2017

The theoretical methodological analysis of political processes in this article allows probing their nature, specific and practices of development. A political process can be interpreted as a system action of all of subjects and objects of policy for realization of public power; activity related to forming, development, transformations and functioning of the political system.The greatest cognitive potential is contained by the paradigms of institutionalism, structurally functional, behaviorism and theory of «rational choice». Institutional approach in political discourse presents the political institutes as dominant «system of co-ordinates» in development of political process. Structurally functional methodology accents attention on an underlying structure and functions of the political system, on the role of social environment in a process. A political process in the theory of «rational choice» is often described as a «public choice», or as certain variations of «scenarios of games». This methodology has wide application: for the estimation of operating international relations and their prospects; to the prognosis of parliamentary activity of factions from forming of coalition, political blocks or groups; at the analysis of electoral conduct of citizens. Prakseology of political processes most expressly demonstrate them scientific typology’s, which was carried out scientists on the base of different criteria. For a scale, allocate the political processes of macro-level, which characterize political development at level held or regions of planet (historical, global; western and «unwestern»; evolutional, revolutionary). Processes micro-level are concrete political events, daily relations of different subjects politicians, which are related to practical realization of individual, group or corporate interests (political co-operation is in a government, parliament, parties, regions of country, structures of local-authority). When a democratic political culture consists in basis of political co-operation of subjects, in society the horizontally organized process is formed on the base of principles of consocial democracy; when a policy is based on a netatism and authoritarian culture, there is the a peak organized political process. Political processes in the post of totalitarian states of Eurasia, Central and East Europe, which Ukraine belongs to, is extremely contradictory – is investigation of the transitional state of society; presence of political subcultures; dysfunctions of institutes of«hybrid» democracy; instabilities of the party and electoral systems; oligarchic of economy; property differentiation of population; corruptions and braking of reforms.A world political process of contemporaneity is a computer-integrated, global process, which represents the various activities of nation-states and those legitimate organs, international organizations and motions (world or continental scale); it – political activity of all of subjects of international relations is consolidated. The specific of world political process is that here the unique, legitimate «center of compulsion» absents with the proper political legal jurisdiction. Consequently, the problem of «balance of powers and interests» acquires ponderability, as a factor of stability (or instabilities) of worldwide policy is important. This process characterizes: variety of political development and different social and political forces; special methods of realization of world power; difficult aggregate of civilization, transnational and peripheral, regional, national and local political processes.Thus, progressive evolution of the civilized people and countries directed anymore on the construction of the democratic, legal state on the base of political pluralism, rights and freedoms of man, developed national economy and culture, high level of welfare and social defense of citizens.

Will Brexit Make or Break Great Britain?

Author(s): David W. Ellwood / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2018

Феномен граница

Author(s): Dragan Simeunović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2018

This paper is about borders and about the culture of those who live by the border. Lead by the goal to determine, as precisely as possible, the space of their security and complete freedom, all living beings try to limit their world, and it has multiple consequences. One of them is the crea tion of various, both visible and invisible, borders. Every life, as well as existence and life in general, is marked by at least two borders: birth and death. All human borders are relative and transient, except for death as the border of life, and that is why we perceive it not as something human, but as something absolutely anti-human. Apart from the drive to possess a territory, togetherness also re quires borders. A border in the name of the collective, or a community, is always founded on some difference between that and other commu nities. That difference is always proclaimed to be important, if not the most important, although it can be entirely symbolic in its nature. As a rule, borders are seen as something dangerous, unpleasant and unsafe, so everyone tries to cross them as quickly as possible. One stays at the border only if he has to, and only while he has to. Space at the border is the space where a crisis is always expected, and that makes it not only the space of bigger or lesser, but also of perpetual virtual crisis. Therefore, there is not much investment in the border and border areas, so the border spaces are frequently poorer than they should be. 24 The border is not just a narrow imagined line, as jurists and pol iticians tend to present it. It is also an elastically defined space around a formally permanent, but actually very swiveling line. This movability of the border is its very important and permanent feature, which is usu ally not recognized by those who established the border, and empha sized by those who want to remake it. The whole is protected at the border. More precisely, the whole would not exist without the border. The border extends to the point where someone’s power of possession is indisputable. No one, on either side of the border, is too small or hopelessly weak, because if they were, there would be no border. The border is established between the dissimilar. It is not only the end, but also a beginning, more precisely, it is the end of one’s world and the beginning of someone else’s. Although we tend to favor everything that is ours, and to, in the name of our own safety and other benefits see the end of our own space as the end of everything safe and good, the border is not the place where something ends, but where something begins, and that something can be good as well. Therefore the border is the point of encounter, as much as of conflict.

Almondov koncept političkog sistema

Author(s): Štefica Deren-Antoljak / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 02/1986

In spite of the fact that American political science is comparatively well developed, before the 1950s there have been no comprehensive analyses nor any comparative research into the problems of contemporary political systems. During the last twenty years new analytical instruments, procedures and techniques for the study of political processes have been worked out, and an enormous amount of empirical material concerning political systems both in developed and in developing countries has been collected. All this has made it possible that a method of comparative analysis should be established, that can also be applied to contemporary political systems. In American political science Gabriel Almond has particular merits for the elaboration of a comparative method in that field. This paper deals with the efforts of G. Almond, J. Coleman, and B. Powell to work out a theoretical approach convenient for the comparison of contemporary political systems.

Rastući prinosi, putna zavisnost i istraživanje politike

Author(s): Pol Pirson / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 01-02/2017

Politički procesi se u društvenim naukama sve više opisuju kao „putno zavisni“. Sam koncept se, međutim, obično primenjuje bez ozbiljnije razrade. U ovom članku se putna zavisnost kao društveni proces smešta unutar dinamike „rastućih prinosa“. Rekapitulirajući skorije radove iz oblasti ekonomije, predlažući širenje na političke odnose, tekst koji stoji pred vama pokazuje da procesi rastućih prinosa dominiraju, i da postoji valjana analitička osnova za istraživanje njihovih uzroka i posledica. Ispitivanje rastućih prinosa može da pruži rigorozniji okvir za razradu nekih od ključnih teza iznetih u skorijim istraživanjima u okviru istorijskog institucionalizma: posebno su važni specifični obrasci tajminga i vremenskog sleda; moguć je veoma širok opseg društvenih ishoda; krupne posledice mogu nastati iz relativno malih ili neplaniranih događaja; određeni pravci delovanja, kada se njima jednom krene, gotovo da postaju nepromenljivi i nepovratni; sledstveno, politički razvoj se određuje kroz kritične momente, koji oblikuju osnovne konture društvenog života.

The Islamic Basis for Mutual Understanding in Intercultural Communication

Author(s): Hasan Yousefzadeh / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2018

Intercultural philosophy has been recently incorporated as an interdisciplinary field into the Western academia. Intercultural philosophy strives to present a way of thinking for the development of the “culture of dialog” among cultural units, aiming at bringing about the novel potentialsof understanding, will, and wisdom of the crowd as solutions to the issues of the modern man as well as his progress and transcendence. Intercultural thought is not simply a theoretical and philosophical hypothesis,but it serves as a scientific strategy and a means of breaking philosophical and cultural deadlocks whereby people, despite enjoying “change”, do not necessarily regard “others” as threatening or adversaries to the “insider’s” identity. The present study, applying a descriptive and interpretive methodology, aims to address the question of the degree to which intercultural philosophy is commensurate with Islamic thought and the nature of mechanisms provided from the Islamic perspective (the Holy Quran) for mutual understanding and overcoming the current deadlocks. This study concludesthat the Islamic perspective, inspired by the verses of the Holy Quran and the Sunna of the Infallible Imams, provides the modern man with, at least,three bases for mutual understanding: Islam whose laws are applicable to the Islamic society; potentials shared by religions; human innate nature (fitra). These three bases actually tend towards monotheism. In short, it is but through a recourse to the potentials of religions that the modern man may succeed in finding solutions to social and epistemological crises.

Проблем „култа личности“ у свјетлу теорије монархије

Author(s): Oleg Soldat / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 7/2014

Author wants to illustrate two legitimate and mutually hostile democratic models: one, Eastern, stemming from Byzantium, and ending in Russia and Serbia, the other – Western, stemming from early medieval political experience, and finalizing in modern democracies. By contextualizing this political problem of diverging types of European democracies, author wishes to dispel the political myth of so called “authoritarian personality” of recent Serbian political rulers.

GENDEREDNESS IN ENGOs: A COMPARATIVE INSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM AND TURKEY

Author(s): Rakibe KÜLCÜR / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2018

This paper analyses the gendered organisational practices of Environmental Non-Governmental Organisations (ENGOs) in the United Kingdom (UK) and Turkey and the possible outcomes of these practices on gender compositions in senior roles. Since gender is an important element in organisations, it is expected to have implications for policies of ENGOs. The research on which this paper is based was undertaken as part of a Ph.D. which examined the gendered nature of ENGOs in Turkey and the UK. The research revealed how and why ENGOs are gendered especially in positions of power and influence. This is an important question because of pressure groups’ influence on environmental decision-making, and yet it has largely been neglected until now. This research revealed that while the ENGO sector is dominated by young single middle-class female employees, white, middle class men are in charge of the decision-making. It showed that the ENGOs reflect the rest of the society and its dominant patriarchal values. The research concluded that gender-biased working practices such as culture of long working hours, lack of formal recruitment and promotion procedures and short-term contract work relations limit career progression of women. This is due to the gendered roles and the traditional division of work in society (the gender division of labour), where triple workload of women remains invisible as a result of patriarchal and capitalist relations existing in both societies.

Dvajset let parlamentarizma: slovenski in hrvaški parlament – poskus primerjave

Author(s): Marjetka Rangus / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 2/2011

This article tackles first twenty years of newly independent former Yugoslav states Slovenia and Croatia. Understanding parliamentary institutions as foundation of democratic development the author is using institutional approach, which enables the insight into cornerstones of political and party-system in Slovenia and Croatia and is complemented with some data on rules of procedure and inner structure of both parliaments. The author establishes that Slovenia and Croatia took different paths at the beginning of their democratic transition which let to greater differences between both parliaments, political and party-systems. However after some constitutional changes in Croatia at the beginning of a new millennium both political systems could be paralleled on many levels. Indicated are characteristics, which are the most important in shaping both political systems.

TARİHSEL SÜREÇTEN GÜNÜMÜZE MECLİSİN DEVLET YÖNETİMİ VE KARAR ALMA ÜZERİNE ETKİSİ

Author(s): İsmail DURSUNOĞLU,Sinan YAZICI / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2019

In this study, the role and function of the parliamentary structure in the Turkic States from its inception to the present is discussed in the theoretical context, and the effect of parliament on state administration and decision-making. In general, it is concluded that the Turkish state has an active role on the state administration and that it is one of the highest decision-making bodies of the parliament in the context of decision-making. Parliament as an institution effective in the states established by the Turks in Central Asia, the Ottoman era with the transfer of the parliament turned into an ineffective and unauthorized institution. Since the last period of the Ottoman Empire, the parliament has entered the process of transformation into an active institution again. With the establishment of the Republic of Turkey began to settle separation of powers. However, it was not possible for the Assembly to fulfill its functions due to the survival of the one-party system during the 1923-1950 period.

METROPOLİTEN YÖNETİM MODELLERİNİN KARŞILAŞTIRMALI İNCELENMESİ: PARİS VE İSTANBUL ÖRNEĞİ

Author(s): İsmail Aydin,Kemal YAMAN / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 3/2018

The management of Istanbul for Turkey is more important than the other cities. Although in general, the management of Istanbul is not different than the other cities of Turkey, its population and location are quite different from others. Similarly, Paris is the first city which comes to mind when we say France. Particularly having a structure based on voluntary organizations and horizontal co-operation and supported by organs such as committees, associations, commissions, working groups, partnerships and advisory platforms, contributes to Paris. At present, Itanbul Metropolitan Government and Paris Metropolitan Government in France, which is the inspiration for the emergence of the local governments systems in Turkey, are managed differently from each other. In this study, Paris Metropolitan Administration and Istanbul Metropolitan Administration will be examined.

MUHASEBE DÜZENLEMELERİ: KONTROL KİMDE? ABD ve ÇİN KARŞILAŞTIRMASI

Author(s): Ahmet Terzi / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 39/2018

Knowledge of accounting is crucial for individuals, commercial organizations, societies and states. This creates endless debates on according to which criteria the knowledge will be produced and presented. The regulations regarding how the accounting knowledge is produced and presented influence the results significantly. That is why investors and dominant ideology put pressure on accounting regulators. Critical accounting literature suggests that such interventions and pressure may vary from one country to another. It discusses that in certain cases, accounting and ideology or accounting and politics get involved in a complex relationship.

Power Sharing Courts

Author(s): Stefan Graziadei / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2016

In this paper, I introduce a novel concept, the one of power sharing courts.Scholars of judicial politics look at the reasons behind judicial selection and the patterns of decision making within courts through the lens of ideology (left-right). However, the resulting fertile scholarly analysis has not been extended to divided societies, where the main cleavages are not partisan but ethno-national. In these societies, the liberal model of selecting judges and taking decisions within an apex court is often corrected to specifically include politically salient ascriptive cleavages(such as ethnicity/nationality/language/religion). The main thrust of my argument is that there is a model of selecting judges, taking decisions and sharing posts of influence within apex courts in divided societies that has not yet been conceptually captured: power sharing courts. In analogy to consociationalism in the political system, power sharing in the judiciary aims to solve salient inter-community conflicts by including all relevant groups in these bodies on a basis of parity or proportionality. The paper is of equal interest to scholars of constitutional courts, consociationalists,comparatists, as well as country specialists.

ЈАЛОВИ РЕВАНШИЗАМ И ДЕМОКРАТИЈА: О НЕКИМ ПАРАЛЕЛАМА ИЗМЕЂУ ФРАНЦУСКЕ ТРЕЋЕ РЕПУБЛИКЕ И ПОСТМИЛОШЕВИЋЕВСКЕ СРБИЈЕ

Author(s): Aleksandar Molnar / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2007

In the article the author is examining few parallels between the French Third republic and post-Milošević Serbia. He is dealing mostly with the phenomenon of (futile) revanchism in both countries, as well as with its impact on political life and perseverance of democracy. In the first period of its history (1871-1914), Third republic won the battle against revanchist challenge, provoked by the German amputation of Alsace and Lorraine. Nowdays, it is uncertain wheteher the young democracy in Serbia is capable of withstanding the same challenge, generated by the unsolved question of Kosovo and Metohija.

SVAKO PLAĆA CENU SVOG IZBORA

Author(s): Miroslav Prokopijević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1996

Reagujući na moj rad Bez razumne alternative, (Ekonomika, 2/1996), Miroslav Ivanović u članku Zapadnjaštvo i msofobija (4/1996) izražava neslaganje sa mojim, shvatanjima.

SLABOSTI SRPSKE OPOZICIJE

Author(s): Ognjen Pribićević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/1994

In his article Dr Pribicevic is analyzing the basic weakness of Serbian opposition. In his opinion those are clashes of opposition parties, frequent turnabout in their policy as well as the lack of real alternative. The reason for their failure author also consider to be an attempt to overthrow the Socialist party in the "field of national policy".

TITOVE ČISTKE

Author(s): Todor Kuljić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1997

Es handelt sich um einen sehr wichtigen Segment der jugoslawischen politischen Kultur. Säuberungen waren dem Still, dem Umfang und der Brutalität nach verschieden als die sowjetischen und chinesischen Sauberunsformen. Sie wurden vor allem durch die Partei durchgesetzt.

АЛЕКСАНДАР ЛУКАШЕНКО – СЛОБОДАН МИЛОШЕВИЋ: ЈЕДНО ПОРЕЂЕЊЕ

Author(s): Slobodan Č. Antonić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3-4/2000

The first period of Milošević's rule, dominated by plebiscitary-populist legitimacy, bears an uncanny resemblance to the rule of Napoleon III. But there is also one contemporary whose regime can also be taken for a close cousin of Milošević's – the regime of Alexander Lukashenko. Like Milošević, Lukashenko also represents a relict of dogmatic communism. Lukashenko, too, used populism in his rise to power. And though this populism had no nationalist traits, its basic idea also rested on a kind of anti-bureaucratic revolution - the struggle against corruption. Lukashenko's rise, too, was accompanied by support or silent passivity of the strategic elites.

O SOCIJALISTIČKOJ PARTIJSKOJ BIROKRATIJI

Author(s): Todor Kuljić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3-4/1985

Ta diesem Aufsatz wurde versucht einige Differenzen zwischen Parteibürokratie im Sozialismus (Kaderverwaltung) und Staatsbürokratie aufzuzeigen. Das Normsystem der Kaderverwaltung ist kein rationales Gesetz sondern eine dynamische Parteianweisung.