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Slovak development cooperation is intended to improve the prosperity of the global community, and ensure that humanity has a positive impact on our planet in the long term. According to IATI data, between 2012 and 2017 Slovakia engaged in 1,800 activities as part of its official development assistance (ODA). That is an average of 300 activities or projects per year. In 2017 Slovakia followed through on 484 financial commitments, according to SlovakDev. These included the provision of multilateral and bilateral ODA, as well as covering the administration costs of 18 different actors providing Slovak ODA. This analysis aims to assess the current trends in development cooperation and opportunities to improve the effectiveness of Slovak ODA in terms of social impact value, learning value, and the signaling value of the “Good Idea Slovakia” brand.
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Since 2011, millions of Syrian refugees have left their countries due to ongoing civil war in Syria. Almost three million of them are now a part of Turkish community. Despite several problems affecting culture, economy, and security, Syrian refugees and Turkish people have achieved to live together without any significant social crisis and moral panic. Düvell (2013) argues that unlike Western countries, where it would create a moral panic, Turkey surprisingly showed a social acceptance towards huge number of refugees. In fact, the number of refugees in Turkey enormously increased in the last few years. The rate of Syrians was only 0.02% in 2012, while it increased to 0.29% in 2013, and 1.96% in 2014. In 2015, the rate sharply doubled (Table-1). This unusual change in Turkey’s foreign population is the one that has never been experienced in Turkey.
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Immigrants, especially refugees are the first and easist disadvantage groups who are targeted the focus of prejudice and mostly discriminations. Besides the many others, the economy became the leading matter. The natives tend to think that they lost their jobs because of new comers who are also the reason of rising inflation, decreasing wages etc.
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The migration of young, well-educated Turkish academics from Germany to their parents’ home country has become a stronger focus for the integration debate in recent years. The problem appears particularly through the fact that structurally well integrated Turkish migrants of the second and third generation, who are multilingual and intercultural focused, leave Germany voluntarily and thus their work capacity is consequently lost in Germany. As motifs for migration, unfavorable chances of success in career are often mentioned, which are associated with a disadvantage and discrimination in employment and furthermore are accompanied by social exclusion mechanisms (Griese, & Sievers, 2010, Sezer, & Dağlar, 2009). Many of them do not feel being fully accepted in Germany and therefore they leave the country to move to Turkey, where they can expeditiously become successful in their careers using their professional qualifications acquired in Germany (Alkan, 2011). The migration can thus be interpreted as an averting from the German society as well as an evidence of a lack of integration and a failed integration policy, because despite the fact that these individuals were born and grew up in Germany and went through the German education system, they desire to leave the country (Aydın, 2012).
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Internal population movements began to gain momentum in the mid-1950s in Turkey due to significant political, economic and social transformation that the country had experienced after the Second World War (SIS, 1996; İçduygu & Sirkeci, 1998; Özbay & Yücel, 2001; Kocaman, 2008). Likewise, in many other contexts in Turkey too, internal migration gained speed and began to affect Turkey’s economic, social and political dynamics with massive “rural to urban” flows in 1950s (SIS, 1996; Özbay & Yücel, 2001). This migration type continued to dominate 1960s and 1970s as well. Beginning from the 1980s, urbanization level increased substantial level and urban centers largely began to receive population from other district centers. That is to say, since then principal direction of migration changed to “urban to urban” type (Gedik, 1998).
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The migration phenomenon has remained an important part of human life throughout history. The migration was required to find food and survive during the initiation of human communities on the earth. Constant migration was the normality (Dustmann & Glitz, 2011). As a normal element of the communal living, the migration remains a permanent concept, although it has undergone a transformation in terms of its reasons or form. The migration phenomenon has been causing fundamental changes on social structures with the impact of current political or technological advancements as well. As found out by Heckmann (2008) within the context of Europe, the migration will be an important figure in the future, just like it was in the past. Migration has become a crucial issue, one that is likely to dominate political agendas for many years to come (King & Lulle, 2016; Rystad, 1992). The people have been interested in changes that occurred in the distribution of human population for many years, but it has been covered by systematic analyses relatively for a shorter period of time. Despite being a common and significant element of the history of humanity, migration was covered by scientific researches firstly during the late 19th century. As a result, there has been a substantial increase in the number of social scientific researches analyzing the migration phenomenon until 1930s (Anderson, 1962; Greenwood & Hunt, 2003). Anderson (1962) stresses that the quantitative increase in the number of studies on migration from 1930s until 1960s refers to the fact that the migration phenomenon will remain a popular field of study. Such an increase in the scientific studies regarding migration which has been continuing until now shows the legitimacy of these findings.
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Bu çalışma Suriye savaşının sonucu olarak yaşanan kitlesel göçün ilk uğrak yerlerinden olan Gaziantep ili ve alt bölgesinde, ekonomik ve sosyal yapıyı nasıl etkilediğini ortaya koyma amacı taşımaktadır. Bu amaçla öncelikli olarak Gaziantep bölgesinin Türkiye’de ekonomisi ve yeni sanayi odakları içerisindeki yeri sektörel bazda ele alınacak bu bağlamda bölgenin uluslararası iş bölümü ve değer zincirleri içindeki konumu tartışılacaktır. Bunun için dünya ekonomisi açısından kritik bir öneme sahip olan değer zincirleri kavramı literatürüne kısaca değinilecek, İSO (İstanbul Sanayi Odası) tarafından açıklanan Türkiye’nin en büyük ilk 500 sanayi firması verileri, Türkiye İhracatçılar Meclisi, Sanayi ve Ticaret Bakanlığı verileri, TÜİK illere göre GSYİH verileri başta olmak üzere resmi istatistikler temelinde Gaziantep ili ve alt bölgesinin dönem olarak gelişme eğilimi değerlendirilecek ve güncel ekonomik verilerle mevcut durum ortaya konulmaya çalışılacaktır.
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İnsanlık tarihi kadar uzun geçmişe sahip olan göç, dünün ve bugünün olduğu gibi geleceğin de bir olgusudur. Göçü; iş-aş arayışı, eğitim, ticaret vb. etkenler tetiklediği gibi, savaş ve iç karışıklıklar da etkilemektedir. Her ne sebeple olursa olsun göçten en çok etkilenenler arasında ilk sırayı çocuklar almaktadır. Savaş sebebiyle meydana gelen zorunlu göçlere bakıldığında, maalesef pek çok çocuğun bu sıkıntılı duruma yenik düştüğü görülmektedir (Doğan - Karakuyu, 2016, s. 303).
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After their migration throughout the decade of 1920s, Pomak people underwent numerous cultural changes, especially in their languages. Being an endangered minority language, Pomak is a Slavic language which demonstrates a reciprocal effect with Turkish language in western parts of Turkey. Upon considering the current danger that Pomak is facing extinction, it would be beneficial to analyze the lexical and morphological differences in the Pomak language amongst the areas where Pomak minorities live. So as to gain necessary data three villages -Tayfur, Çanakkale; Toybelen, Balıkesir; Armağan, Kırklareli - in the Northwestern part of Turkey have been visited and Pomak people are firstly asked to translate fifty basic sentences, and later they are interviewed about the current status of Pomak in the area. Obtained translations have been recorded, and their morphological and vocal similarities and differences have been identified and analyzed. Collecting the data, the effect of Turkish on Pomak is analyzed from a perspective of language ecology. This study is intended to supply linguistic information on Pomak and to help create ways to avoid an undesired extinction of such a colorful language.
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What drives German-Turks to return to Turkey? This study attempts to answer this question by investigating the determinants of return migration intention among German-Turks. While German-Turks, invited to work in the booming post-war economy, have always been defined as “guest workers” and expected to return to Turkey eventually, they have preferred to stay in Germany, enjoy increased wealth by earning high wages, and benefits from the German welfare system. But things have changed since 2006, and the net migration number of Turks has now fallen to below zero for the first time. This study aims to identify the factors that influence the multifaceted issue of return migration intentions. I use the most recent “Migration Sample (M1)” of the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP), which includes 463 respondents who have a Turkish background, to estimate logistic regressions models for return intentions. This study focuses on testing the effects of four domains: (1) economic integration, (2) social and economic ties with Turkey, (3) discrimination, xenophobia, and multiple identities, and (4) generational status. The results indicate that all these domains make a contribution to return decisions.
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The European Union’s asylum and refugee policies have evoked as much vehement criticism from human rights activists as from media outlets – most expressly in 2015 and 2016, when the numbers of refugees crossing the EU’s external borders either in Greece and Italy or in Bulgari, and Hungary, reached their peak. There are various accounts of human rights violations at the EU’s external borders, and within national asylum systems. The same holds true for analyses addressing the EU’s asylum and refugee policies, the acts of its agencies, and decisions made by individual member states in terms of their compatibility with the European human rights regime.
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Throughout Europe in recent years, a considerable number of ‘extreme-right’ parties, as they are most often referred to, have been gaining popularity and influencing the formation of public opinion. In France, the far-right ‘Front National’ party of Marine Le Pen scored its highest ever percentage of votes when it won through to the second round of the presidential elections in the spring of 2017. Shortly before that, at the national elections taking place in the Netherlands, the populist radical-right ‘Party for Freedom’ of Geert Wilders came second, increasing its previous number of seats in the parliament. Only a few months earlier, in summer of 2016, the right-wing populist ‘UK Independence Party’ had managed to play a major role in the ‘Brexit’ referendum by promoting itself as a nativist nationalist political movement.
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Formalno-pravne aspekte rodne ravnopravnosti u BiH nužno je posmatrati kroz dva nivoa - međunarodni i nacionalni, koji imaju svoje refleksije i na ostale nivoe uključujući i najniži nivo - lokalnu zajednicu. Za potrebe ovog istraživanja, a s obzirom na važne refleksije na lokalne zajednice, u međunarodnim pravnim dokumentima posebno se izdvajaju CEDAW konvencija (Konvencija o ukidanju svih oblika diskriminacije žena, 1979.), Pekinška deklaracija i Platforma za akciju (1995.), Rezolucija 1325 (“Žene, mir i sigurnost”, 2000.) i Konvencija Vijeća Europe o sprečavanju i borbi protiv nasilja nad ženama i nasilja uporodici (2011., tzv. Istanbulska konvencija). U odnosu na domaće zakonodavstvo nužno je istaći značaj Zakona o ravnopravnosti spolovau BiH i Zakona o zabrani diskriminacije u BiH.
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Jedan od osnovnih principa Evropske unije čijom članicom nastoji postati i Bosna i Hercegovina je rodna ravnopravnost. Amsterdamski ugovor, te brojne direktive EU obavezuju države da u svojim politikama i programima doprinose jednakopravnosti žena i muškaraca. Rodna ravnopravnost je i jedan od 17 globalnih ciljeva Programa održivog razvoja do 2030. godine kojeg su usvojile članice Ujedinjenih naroda, a koji je proizašao iz Milenijumske deklaracije. Najvažniji dokument UN-a iz domena rodne ravnopravnosti je Konvencija o eliminisanju svihoblika diskriminacije žena. Ukidanje diskriminacije žena i djevojčica, kako stoji u Programu, nije samo osnovno ljudsko pravo, nego ima višestruki učinak na druga područja razvoja. Od 2013. BiH je i potpisnica Istanbulske konvencije. Rodna ravnopravnost koja podrazumijeva jednako učešće žena i muškaraca u svim sferama javnog i privatnog života, jednak status, jednaku involviranost u procese odlučivanja u politici, programe rada i prakse svih institucija, te jednak pristup društvenim resursima i jednake benefite od njih, dugoročno bi trebala rezultirati kvalitetnijim i humanijim životom u zajednici.
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Turks started to voice their requests through associations that founded at beginning of 1960s and 1970s. In the 1970s, associations and federations that works as a part of political parties in Turkey entered to the life of Turks in Germany. At the same time, concepts that advocated in Turkey became popular among Turks in Germany.
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Türkiye’nin 2005-2015 yılları arasındaki ekonomik performansına bakıldığında, reel GSYH’nin yaklaşık yıllık ortalama %4 arttığı, kamu borç stokunun %67,7’den %36,3’e gerilediği, bütçe açığının %10’dan %3’ün altına düştüğü ve kişi başına düşen milli gelirinin 4.565 ABD dolarından 9.177 ABD dolarına çıktığı görülmektedir. Aynı dönemde ihracat gelirlerinin 47 milyar ABD dolarından 152 milyar ABD dolarına, turizm gelirlerinin ise 14 milyar ABD dolarından 31,465 milyar ABD dolarına ulaşmıştır. Bu durum Türkiye’yi Avrupa Birliği Bölgesi’ndeki 6. büyük ekonomi, dünyanın ise 17. büyük ekonomisi konumuna gelmiştir. Son dönemlerde ekonomi alanında gösterilen bu ilerlemenin ardından Türkiye Cumhuriyeti, kuruluşunun 100. Yılında denk gelen 2023 yılında dünyanın en büyük 10. ve Avrupa’nın en büyük 3. ekonomisi olma hedefini belirlemiştir. Bu doğrultuda milli gelirini 2 trilyon dolara, kişi başına düşen milli gelirini 25 bin dolara ve ihracatını da 500 milyar dolara çıkarmayı hedeflemektedir. Ancak ülkenin mevcut üretim stratejisini değerlendiren bilim insanları ve politika yapıcılar mevcut üretim sistemiyle belirlenen hedeflerin yakalanmasının son derece zor olduğunu belirtmekte ve ülkenin önündeki en önemli sorunun ARGE yatırımlarındaki ve bilgi üretimindeki yetersizlik ve üretilen bilginin ticarileştirilememesi olduğunu savunmaktadırlar.
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For today’s workers, the process of aging will differ from previous generations. Social contracts among governments, employers, and individuals are central to retirement systems around the world. Today, throughout their lifetime, individuals are more responsible for their finances than ever before. Financial markets are rapidly changing with developments in technology and new and more complex financial products. Skills are becoming more critical and it is important to understand whether people are equipped to effectively navigate the maze of financial decisions that they face every day. Generous defined social security benefit pension plans are diminishing, as life expectancy and the need for self-funded retirement savings are increasing. In this paper, the author presents the results of the research conducted in the region of Slavonia related to retirement literacy and understanding of the financial behavior of the population of teachers that work in schools. The questionnaire was based on the Big Three financial and retirement literacy measurement and The Aegon Retirement Readiness Survey. The goal of the research is to compare the results to similar research studies and to find out financial understanding and the need for organizing retirement literacy education for teachers’ population in the region of Slavonia.
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Media literacy has been recognized in European Union documents related to audiovisual and media policy as an essential factor in the modern information society, with commitment to education on this issue at all levels. However, most education programs are focused on preschool and school-age, while at the same time, some recent research shows that people over 65 are the ones who, for various reasons (primarily, ignorance), spread most misinformation or fake news via social networks. This research seeks to gain insight into the extent to which third-person consumers are media consumers, what the forms of media are they are most in touch with, and to what extent they can distinguish informative media content from covert marketing advertising. It also seeks to gain insight into the aftermath of a generation of passive media consumers with modern media technology that offers a proactive approach to participation and information formation for the masses and to answer the question as to how much they create and shape information through social networks and communication platforms. The research is conducted on a representative sample of third-age media content consumers through questionnaires and in-depth interviews, and the analysis of the results obtained aims at determining their media knowledge, experiences, habits, and insights.
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Iako je pogrešno feministički pokret svesti isključivo na borbu žena za osvajanje punog prava glasa (i pasivnog i aktivnog prava glasa, odnosno i prava da bira i da bude birana), sticanje statusa političkog subjekta – bez obzira na sve teorijske diskrepancije feminizama – njegovo je kontinuirano obilježje. Prva argumentacija za nužnost uključivanja žena u političku sferu isklesana je u okviru liberalne političke filozofije i na temeljima njenih postulata o jednakopravnosti svih ljudskih bića te formulisana kao zahtjev da žene ravnopravno s muškarcima učestvuju u političkom životu. Ipak, ova ravnopravnost generalno nije postignuta nakon osvajanja prava niti su se desile očekivane društvene promjene.
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