Vystúpenie ministra obrany Slovenskej republiky Pavla Kanisa

Author(s): Pavol Kanis / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

Dovoľte mi, v mene ministra obrany, vysloviť názor, že Ministerstvo obrany SR, ktoré predovšetkým vo vzťahu k NATO zohráva nezastupiteľnú úlohu, privítalo možnosť tohto otvoreného dialógu, ktorý dnešná konferencia predstavuje v zhodnotení činnosti v oblasti integračných procesov Slovenskej republiky. Vidíme v tom možnosť nielen prezentovať klady, ale tiež poukázať na nedostatky a spoločne hľadať najvhodnejšie cesty, ktoré dovedú našu krajinu medzi vyspelé a demokratické štáty.

Treba li Bosni i Hercegovini vrhovni sud

Author(s): Nurko Pobrić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Neposredni povod za raspravu o temi iz naslova je planirani, ali ne i održani referendum u Republici Srpskoj o Sudu i Tužilaštvu Bosne i Hercegovine, na kome su se građani Republike Srpske trebali izjasniti “šta misle” o radu ovih državnih pravosudnih institucija. Kao što rekosmo, referendum nije održan, jer je Visoka predstavnica EU za sigurnost i spoljnu politiku Catherine Ashton, povodom najavljenog referenduma došla u Bosnu i Hercegovinu (Banja Luku) i obećala, odnosno “dogovorila”(se) s predsjednikom Republike Srpske “o otvaranju strukturalnog dijaloga o reformi pravosuđa u BiH”. Republika Srpska je 27. maja 2010. godine uradila dokument za diskusiju pod nazivom “EU-BiH SSP Strukturisani dijalog o pravosuđu” za sastanak koji se trebao održati 6. i 7. juna 2011. godine u Banjoj Luci. Kako prenose Dani od 3. juna 2011. godine, u uvodu dokumenta autori iz RS-a priznaju da je reforma pravosuđa (reforma pravosuđa u BiH) već ura- đena, ali u implementaciji Strategije za reformu sektora pravde, koja je usvojena za period od 2008-2012. godine, “uočavaju se određeni problemi, posebno kada je u pitanju ustanovljavanje vrhovnog suda BiH, status i nadležnost Suda BiH i VSTV-a”. Zatim se govori “o trenutnom stanju” Državne strategije za rad na predmetima ratnih zločina. U navedenom Dokumentu ističe se da “ne postoji nijedan valjan razlog ni potreba za uspostavljanjem Vrhovnog suda BiH iz razloga što ne postoji ustavni osnov za uspostavljanje takvog suda, a i putem apelacione jurisdikcije pred Ustavnim sudom BiH (...) mogu se efikasno riješiti slučajevi, između ostalih i nejednaka primjena prava i zaštita ravnopravnosti građana. Uostalom, s razlogom se pozivamo na član 123 Ustava RS-a koji kaže da Vrhovni sud RS-a obezbjeđuje jedinstvenu primjenu zakona”. Baveći se Ustavnim sudom BiH, u Dokumentu se izvodi zaključak da “Ustavni sud BiH ne može odlučivati o pitanjima koja su u isključivoj nadležnosti Ustavnog suda RS-a iz razloga što je Ustavom RS-a propisano da su odluke Ustavnog suda obavezujuće i izvršne na teritoriji RS-a i da izvršenje odluka Ustavnog suda obezbjeđuje Vlada RS-a.” U Dokumentu su posebne kritike upućene na rad Suda BiH “što retroaktivno primjenjuje Krivični zakon”.

RUSSIA’S NARRATIVES AND PUBLIC OPINION IN THE BALTIC STATES, FINLAND, AND SWEDEN

Author(s): Ieva Bērziņa / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The study of Russian narratives regarding the NB8 countries identified the most common ‘outgoing’ narratives used in 2016. However, mere content analysis is not a sufficient metric to assess Russia’s influence in the information environment, because media is just an instrument for reaching the ultimate target—the cognitive dimension of the communities that reside in the NB8 countries. Therefore the final ingredient in this study of Russia’s activities in the information environment of the NB8 region for the period 2016–2017 was a comparative public opinion survey that aimed to discover to what extent the narratives promoted by Russia correspond with the views of the societies in the region. It should be emphasized that measuring Russia’s influence in information environment is a complicated task. Four issues limit the possibility of arriving at comprehensive and unambiguous answers by means of a limited quantitative survey: 1) there are no strict divisions between the narratives promoted by Russia and the views of opinion leaders and societies outside Russia—they may coincide without any specific connection to Russia; 2) without qualitative research methods it is impossible to know how the respondents understand such concepts as ‘neo-Nazism’, ‘threat’, ‘destabilization’, etc., and if their understanding differs from the interpretation assumed in the Russian narratives; 3) without additional research it is also impossible to draw any conclusions about the factors influencing of the opinions of respondents, therefore coincidence in views can not necessarily be interpreted as due to Russia’s influence or, indeed, as the absence of it; 4) additional research is necessary to determine how Russia seeks to match its narratives to the attitudes present in the NB8 societies to advance its strategic goals, and, indeed, if this is possible. Nevertheless, an initial attempt was made to measure the spread of the narratives promoted by Russia in the NB8 region in terms of public agreement or disagreement with the ideas that are in line with the content produced by Russian state-funded media and Russia’s strategic goals. Although the survey data should primarily be taken as a basis for further research, the results provide a valuable comparative perspective on public opinion in the NB8 region and the extent of the use of the three Russian state funded media outlets surveyed. The data obtained in this pilot study supports a more sceptical view regarding Russia’s informational influence on Western societies as expressed by prominent Russian expert M. Galeotti: ‘Too much is often made of the alleged influence of the English-language Sputnik news agency and RT television channel, or even of the online trolling and disinformation campaign. Evidence that they actually changed minds—rather than just pandered to existing prejudices—is still lacking.

WHO CONTROLS THE MEDIA AND PEOPLE’S MEDIA CONSUMPTION?

Author(s): Nadine Gogu / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This chapter describes who or what controls the media and media consumption. The analysis emphasizes the importance of the power to control what Moldovans read, see, hear, and experience. Russian media is seen as more trustworthy then Moldovan media. The fact that much of the media is linked to the local political and business elite, most often to Vladimir Plahotniuc, but also to Chiril Luchinschi, Vlad Filat, Vadim Ciubara, Victor Țopa, Dan Lozovan, Dumitru Țîra, and Ilan Shor among others, does not help the situation. Television is still seen as relatively reliable, as it is the third most trusted source of socio-political information.

THE MAIN INFLUENCERS OF PUBLIC OPINION

Author(s): Marian Cepoi / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This chapter attempts to identify and characterize the main Moldovan opinion leaders, and link them to the political currents promoted by the main mass media channels. We classify the opinion leaders according to their political preferences, affiliations, and external orientation, supplemented by other personal history. A subjective look is taken at their lives and work experience, ideas they have promoted in the past, links with important people and organization, their interests, and other elements that can help to explain their actions in the public sphere. The chapter focuses separately on four groups: pro-government media and opinion leaders, non-Plahotniuc media and opinion leaders, promoters of Kremlin narratives, and emerging opinion leaders. According to our study, some of the most influential opinionmakers were Corneliu Ciurea, Serghei Ostaf, Veaceslav Ionita, Victor Gurau, and Alexandru Cauia, all of whom are linked to pro-Plahotniuc media and platforms.

PRIRODA POLITIČKOG SISTEMA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Author(s): Maja Sahadžić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Od unutrašnje transformacije koju je pretrpjela Bosna i Hercegovina potpisivanjem Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma, i danas postoje različita shvaćanja unutrašnjeg/državnog uređenja i političkog sistema. Ta shvaćanja se kreću od onih prema kojima je Bosna i Hercegovina jednostavna/unitarna decentralizirana država do onih prema kojima je riječ o nekoj vrsti realne unije sa vrlo izraženim konfederalnim elementima itd. A Bosna i Hercegovina nije niti klasična federacija, jer entiteti nemaju status države, a pojam granice vezuje se za pojam države, dok se za entitete vezuje međuentitetska linija razgraničenja.

Hodnocení porodní péče z perspektivy českých žen

Author(s): Ema Hrešanová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Slovak development cooperation in 2018

Author(s): Jakub Šimek / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Slovak development cooperation is intended to improve the prosperity of the global community, and ensure that humanity has a positive impact on our planet in the long term. According to IATI data, between 2012 and 2017 Slovakia engaged in 1,800 activities as part of its official development assistance (ODA). That is an average of 300 activities or projects per year. In 2017 Slovakia followed through on 484 financial commitments, according to SlovakDev. These included the provision of multilateral and bilateral ODA, as well as covering the administration costs of 18 different actors providing Slovak ODA. This analysis aims to assess the current trends in development cooperation and opportunities to improve the effectiveness of Slovak ODA in terms of social impact value, learning value, and the signaling value of the “Good Idea Slovakia” brand.

Crisis or Opportunity? Public Debate and Perception on Syrian Refugees in Turkey

Author(s): Oğuzhan Ömer Demir / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Since 2011, millions of Syrian refugees have left their countries due to ongoing civil war in Syria. Almost three million of them are now a part of Turkish community. Despite several problems affecting culture, economy, and security, Syrian refugees and Turkish people have achieved to live together without any significant social crisis and moral panic. Düvell (2013) argues that unlike Western countries, where it would create a moral panic, Turkey surprisingly showed a social acceptance towards huge number of refugees. In fact, the number of refugees in Turkey enormously increased in the last few years. The rate of Syrians was only 0.02% in 2012, while it increased to 0.29% in 2013, and 1.96% in 2014. In 2015, the rate sharply doubled (Table-1). This unusual change in Turkey’s foreign population is the one that has never been experienced in Turkey.

Not Only a Burden but Also a Contribution: Impacts of Syrians on Turkish Economy

Author(s): Ali Zafer Sağıroğlu / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Immigrants, especially refugees are the first and easist disadvantage groups who are targeted the focus of prejudice and mostly discriminations. Besides the many others, the economy became the leading matter. The natives tend to think that they lost their jobs because of new comers who are also the reason of rising inflation, decreasing wages etc.

Goodbye Germany: Migration Intentions of Highly Qualified Turks

Author(s): Mustafa Nail Alkan,Cemali Sarı / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The migration of young, well-educated Turkish academics from Germany to their parents’ home country has become a stronger focus for the integration debate in recent years. The problem appears particularly through the fact that structurally well integrated Turkish migrants of the second and third generation, who are multilingual and intercultural focused, leave Germany voluntarily and thus their work capacity is consequently lost in Germany. As motifs for migration, unfavorable chances of success in career are often mentioned, which are associated with a disadvantage and discrimination in employment and furthermore are accompanied by social exclusion mechanisms (Griese, & Sievers, 2010, Sezer, & Dağlar, 2009). Many of them do not feel being fully accepted in Germany and therefore they leave the country to move to Turkey, where they can expeditiously become successful in their careers using their professional qualifications acquired in Germany (Alkan, 2011). The migration can thus be interpreted as an averting from the German society as well as an evidence of a lack of integration and a failed integration policy, because despite the fact that these individuals were born and grew up in Germany and went through the German education system, they desire to leave the country (Aydın, 2012).

Internal Migration of Turkey’s Older Population

Author(s): Sutay Yavuz / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Internal population movements began to gain momentum in the mid-1950s in Turkey due to significant political, economic and social transformation that the country had experienced after the Second World War (SIS, 1996; İçduygu & Sirkeci, 1998; Özbay & Yücel, 2001; Kocaman, 2008). Likewise, in many other contexts in Turkey too, internal migration gained speed and began to affect Turkey’s economic, social and political dynamics with massive “rural to urban” flows in 1950s (SIS, 1996; Özbay & Yücel, 2001). This migration type continued to dominate 1960s and 1970s as well. Beginning from the 1980s, urbanization level increased substantial level and urban centers largely began to receive population from other district centers. That is to say, since then principal direction of migration changed to “urban to urban” type (Gedik, 1998).

Studies on Migration and Education in Turkey: A General Evaluation

Author(s): Ali Faruk Yaylacı,Filiz Goktuna Yaylaci / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The migration phenomenon has remained an important part of human life throughout history. The migration was required to find food and survive during the initiation of human communities on the earth. Constant migration was the normality (Dustmann & Glitz, 2011). As a normal element of the communal living, the migration remains a permanent concept, although it has undergone a transformation in terms of its reasons or form. The migration phenomenon has been causing fundamental changes on social structures with the impact of current political or technological advancements as well. As found out by Heckmann (2008) within the context of Europe, the migration will be an important figure in the future, just like it was in the past. Migration has become a crucial issue, one that is likely to dominate political agendas for many years to come (King & Lulle, 2016; Rystad, 1992). The people have been interested in changes that occurred in the distribution of human population for many years, but it has been covered by systematic analyses relatively for a shorter period of time. Despite being a common and significant element of the history of humanity, migration was covered by scientific researches firstly during the late 19th century. As a result, there has been a substantial increase in the number of social scientific researches analyzing the migration phenomenon until 1930s (Anderson, 1962; Greenwood & Hunt, 2003). Anderson (1962) stresses that the quantitative increase in the number of studies on migration from 1930s until 1960s refers to the fact that the migration phenomenon will remain a popular field of study. Such an increase in the scientific studies regarding migration which has been continuing until now shows the legitimacy of these findings.

Suriyeli Mültecilerin Ekonomiye ve İstihdama Etkileri: Gaziantep Bölgesi Üzerine Gözlemler

Author(s): F. Serkan Öngel / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Bu çalışma Suriye savaşının sonucu olarak yaşanan kitlesel göçün ilk uğrak yerlerinden olan Gaziantep ili ve alt bölgesinde, ekonomik ve sosyal yapıyı nasıl etkilediğini ortaya koyma amacı taşımaktadır. Bu amaçla öncelikli olarak Gaziantep bölgesinin Türkiye’de ekonomisi ve yeni sanayi odakları içerisindeki yeri sektörel bazda ele alınacak bu bağlamda bölgenin uluslararası iş bölümü ve değer zincirleri içindeki konumu tartışılacaktır. Bunun için dünya ekonomisi açısından kritik bir öneme sahip olan değer zincirleri kavramı literatürüne kısaca değinilecek, İSO (İstanbul Sanayi Odası) tarafından açıklanan Türkiye’nin en büyük ilk 500 sanayi firması verileri, Türkiye İhracatçılar Meclisi, Sanayi ve Ticaret Bakanlığı verileri, TÜİK illere göre GSYİH verileri başta olmak üzere resmi istatistikler temelinde Gaziantep ili ve alt bölgesinin dönem olarak gelişme eğilimi değerlendirilecek ve güncel ekonomik verilerle mevcut durum ortaya konulmaya çalışılacaktır.

Kayıp Neslin Eğitimi (İstanbul’daki Suriyeli Mülteci Çocukların Eğitimi)

Author(s): Kamil Çoştu / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

İnsanlık tarihi kadar uzun geçmişe sahip olan göç, dünün ve bugünün olduğu gibi geleceğin de bir olgusudur. Göçü; iş-aş arayışı, eğitim, ticaret vb. etkenler tetiklediği gibi, savaş ve iç karışıklıklar da etkilemektedir. Her ne sebeple olursa olsun göçten en çok etkilenenler arasında ilk sırayı çocuklar almaktadır. Savaş sebebiyle meydana gelen zorunlu göçlere bakıldığında, maalesef pek çok çocuğun bu sıkıntılı duruma yenik düştüğü görülmektedir (Doğan - Karakuyu, 2016, s. 303).

The Effect of Migration upon Lexical Aspects of the Movers’ Mother Tongues: The Example of Pomak in Turkey

Author(s): Uğur Altıntaş,Hasan Boynukara / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

After their migration throughout the decade of 1920s, Pomak people underwent numerous cultural changes, especially in their languages. Being an endangered minority language, Pomak is a Slavic language which demonstrates a reciprocal effect with Turkish language in western parts of Turkey. Upon considering the current danger that Pomak is facing extinction, it would be beneficial to analyze the lexical and morphological differences in the Pomak language amongst the areas where Pomak minorities live. So as to gain necessary data three villages -Tayfur, Çanakkale; Toybelen, Balıkesir; Armağan, Kırklareli - in the Northwestern part of Turkey have been visited and Pomak people are firstly asked to translate fifty basic sentences, and later they are interviewed about the current status of Pomak in the area. Obtained translations have been recorded, and their morphological and vocal similarities and differences have been identified and analyzed. Collecting the data, the effect of Turkish on Pomak is analyzed from a perspective of language ecology. This study is intended to supply linguistic information on Pomak and to help create ways to avoid an undesired extinction of such a colorful language.

Building or Burning the Bridges? The Determinants of Return Migration Intentions of German-Turk Generations

Author(s): Tolga Tezcan / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

What drives German-Turks to return to Turkey? This study attempts to answer this question by investigating the determinants of return migration intention among German-Turks. While German-Turks, invited to work in the booming post-war economy, have always been defined as “guest workers” and expected to return to Turkey eventually, they have preferred to stay in Germany, enjoy increased wealth by earning high wages, and benefits from the German welfare system. But things have changed since 2006, and the net migration number of Turks has now fallen to below zero for the first time. This study aims to identify the factors that influence the multifaceted issue of return migration intentions. I use the most recent “Migration Sample (M1)” of the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP), which includes 463 respondents who have a Turkish background, to estimate logistic regressions models for return intentions. This study focuses on testing the effects of four domains: (1) economic integration, (2) social and economic ties with Turkey, (3) discrimination, xenophobia, and multiple identities, and (4) generational status. The results indicate that all these domains make a contribution to return decisions.

COMMUNICATING REFUGEES AND HUMAN RIGHTS: THE GERMAN GOVERNMENT’S ASSESSMENT OF THE ROLE OF THE EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS

Author(s): Johanna C. Günther / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The European Union’s asylum and refugee policies have evoked as much vehement criticism from human rights activists as from media outlets – most expressly in 2015 and 2016, when the numbers of refugees crossing the EU’s external borders either in Greece and Italy or in Bulgari, and Hungary, reached their peak. There are various accounts of human rights violations at the EU’s external borders, and within national asylum systems. The same holds true for analyses addressing the EU’s asylum and refugee policies, the acts of its agencies, and decisions made by individual member states in terms of their compatibility with the European human rights regime.

IMMIGRATION AND ELECTORAL SUPPORT FOR THE RADICAL RIGHT: EVIDENCE FROM DUTCH MUNICIPALITIES

Author(s): Panagiotis Chasapopoulos,Arjen van Witteloostuijn,Christophe Boone / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Throughout Europe in recent years, a considerable number of ‘extreme-right’ parties, as they are most often referred to, have been gaining popularity and influencing the formation of public opinion. In France, the far-right ‘Front National’ party of Marine Le Pen scored its highest ever percentage of votes when it won through to the second round of the presidential elections in the spring of 2017. Shortly before that, at the national elections taking place in the Netherlands, the populist radical-right ‘Party for Freedom’ of Geert Wilders came second, increasing its previous number of seats in the parliament. Only a few months earlier, in summer of 2016, the right-wing populist ‘UK Independence Party’ had managed to play a major role in the ‘Brexit’ referendum by promoting itself as a nativist nationalist political movement.

Rodna ravnopravnost u regijama Tuzla i Livno: Riječi na papiru

Author(s): Zarfa Hrnjić Kuduzović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Jedan od osnovnih principa Evropske unije čijom članicom nastoji postati i Bosna i Hercegovina je rodna ravnopravnost. Amsterdamski ugovor, te brojne direktive EU obavezuju države da u svojim politikama i programima doprinose jednakopravnosti žena i muškaraca. Rodna ravnopravnost je i jedan od 17 globalnih ciljeva Programa održivog razvoja do 2030. godine kojeg su usvojile članice Ujedinjenih naroda, a koji je proizašao iz Milenijumske deklaracije. Najvažniji dokument UN-a iz domena rodne ravnopravnosti je Konvencija o eliminisanju svihoblika diskriminacije žena. Ukidanje diskriminacije žena i djevojčica, kako stoji u Programu, nije samo osnovno ljudsko pravo, nego ima višestruki učinak na druga područja razvoja. Od 2013. BiH je i potpisnica Istanbulske konvencije. Rodna ravnopravnost koja podrazumijeva jednako učešće žena i muškaraca u svim sferama javnog i privatnog života, jednak status, jednaku involviranost u procese odlučivanja u politici, programe rada i prakse svih institucija, te jednak pristup društvenim resursima i jednake benefite od njih, dugoročno bi trebala rezultirati kvalitetnijim i humanijim životom u zajednici.