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Anthroponyms represent an important mirror for the historical situation of the Arad and Bihor counties during the late 12th century and also at the beginning of the following one. Typical of the situation previous to the anthroponymical uniformisation promoted by the Christian Church especially starting with the second half of the 13th century, the names of the period had in view „speak” about the ethnic groups who cohabited in this part of Europe and whose cultural traits gave rise to a unique medieval culture. The anthroponyms vary widely, from Latin, Hungarian and German to Greek, Jewish, Romanian or Cuman. All of these old names, not just the Christian ones, are also characterised by another important aspect: they have a meaning in their original language. Where I could, I established this sense, but in many causes I have failed. Hopefully, future research will solve these important issues.
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This essay deals with life and activities of Khubrat Khan, who established the Magna Bulgaria in the 7th century in the north of the Black Sea and the Caucasus. Khubrat, who unified Ogurs/Bulgars after the death of Organa, his uncle, separated from the Kök Turks and founded his independent state. He also started a new Bulgar ethnogenesis by unifying all Ogurs, thus by having them called Bulgar altogether.
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The beginnings of Ragusa which will develop into the major trade center of the southern Adriatic are covered with the darkness.1 The earliest historical record, written by Cosmographer of Ravenna, most probably from the very end of the 7th century (ca. 700), mentions Ragusium id est Epidaurum. 2 This source is very important, because it makes earliest connection between the ancient Roman city of Epidaurus and Ragusa, as it is stated not only various sources of Ragusa’s origins, but also preserved in the legends developed in or around Ragusa. That strong feeling about close relations with the ancient Epidaurus is remembered even by inhabitants of Ragusa at the official documents from the 14th century: Epidaurus at the seashore was the ancient city of Ragusa. 3 The similar view about the origin of Ragusa is also preserved by the Ragusan authors: Ragusan Anonymous, Ludovico Tuberon, Mauro Orbin, Jacob Luccari, Nicolo Ragnina, etc.
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The Gradina-Lisina site is located on the west side of the Kopaonik mountain, in the municipality of Raška, from where there is a spectacular view toward the west, and Kozija glava, Tiodže and part of the Radošića village could be controlled. The view also extends to the important communication line toward what is today Kosovo, as well as the site Gradina in Donja Rudnica, around 4.5 km away. The fortress is in the shape of an irregular triangle, with the approximate orientation NE-SW. It is narrowest around the entrance, and widest on the west side, where the terrain is inaccessible due to a steep ravine. There were no remnants of towers, but the impression is that there might have been one near the entrance. Trench-like smaller depression before the entrance points to the existence of a dry trench by the entrance. Bulwarks, preserved only in several rows of stones, were founded on live rock and built of crushed stone in irregular layers. Whitish limestone mortar was used as sorder. Archaeological research was done with just three stratigraphic probes. Early Byzantine pottery from the 6th and early 7th centuries AD is accompanied with rare metal finds: a ring, half of the horseshoe for cattle, and several pieces of slag. The only coin found is a piece coined in Viminacium during the 3rd century AD. The metal slag points that mining was an important part of the economic activity of the inhabitants of this fortification. Besides the preserved toponymy, this is also confirmed by the Turkish defters related to the Brvenik nahija, dated 1519, 1533, and 1548. This Early Byzantine fort confirms general characteristics of contemporary fortifications. It has a free basis, adjusted to the terrain configuration, and with access from one side only. It is simply built, with the material available at the site, and with simple constructing solutions, devoid of any unnecessary aesthetic details. When Kopaonik becomes an important mining region, it probably influenced the development of a network of local roads, in order to exploit and transport the ore. A number of Early Byzantine forts points to the importance of the communication link through the valley of the Ibar river. From this link, at the extension of the leg from Novi Pazar, there was a road through what is today a village of Šipačino, to Suvo Rudište, then crossing the ridge of Kopaonik, and descending to the village of Đerekare, and then going through Kuršumlija and Prokuplje to Niš, where it hit the “Constantinople Road.” The fact that today’s direction originates from the Early Byzantine period , if not earlier, is confirmed by the Gradina in Lisina, as well as the fortification in Đerekare, where the mentioned communication link went.
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The long-standing view that Uspenski’s Taktikon was written in 842/843 or 845/856 has been subjected to a detailed analysis in this paper. As the dating of Uspenski’s Taktikon is critical for dating the theme of Dalmatia, these two issues have been addressed in the same paper. The key arguments pointing to an earlier date of Uspenski’s Taktikon are the following: 1. the difference between the theme of Klimata and the theme of Herson; 2. Absence of the theme of Strymon in Uspenski’s Taktikon; 3. the very title of Uspenski’s Taktikon where Theodora is mentioned with an epithet of saint. 1. The postulate that the theme of Klimata and the theme of Herson is the same thing can no longer be upheld. Two seals of unknown officials who worked in Klimata, or in, “Five Klimatas” dated to the 9th century, indicate that before establishing the Theme of Herson there had existed the administrative unit of Klimata which later became the theme of Herson. The oldest preserved seals of the strategos of Herson date back to the 70s of the 9th century. The testimony of Porphyrogenitus in DAI on the establishment of the theme of Herson refers to the town only, while in De them. he says that previously Herson was not a theme, but was governed from the Bosphorus together with the regions. It should also be noted that the theme of Dalmatia is always before the theme of Herson in all preserved taktikons, which in certain sense determines the chronological order of their establishment - Dalmatia is older than Herson. According to the report of Theophanes dated 808/809, there had been the theme of Strymon that disappeared under the onslaught of Krum’s Bulgarians by 812 at the latest. The seal of Leo, imperial spatharos and strategos of Strymon, that has definitely been dated to the time before mid-9th century leads to the conclusion that Strymon should have been mentioned in Uspenski’s Taktikon, had it been established during the time of Michael III and Theodora. Since a 30-year peace was agreed with the Bulgarians in 814, it is quite certain that the region of Strymon could be reestablished as theme in one of the following years. In secular sources, Theodora has never been mentioned with the epithet of saint. Thus, in the Synaxar of the Church of Constantinople, she is only orthodox, but not saint. The first appearance of the epithet saint with her name was in the title of her hagiography pieced together immediately after her death. This leads us to conclude that the title of Uspenski’s Taktikon was most likely added after her death. It is assumed that the transcriber from the 12th/13th century found in the title only the name of Michael, the orthodox tsar, whom he thought to be Michael III, since both Michael I and Michael III were orthodox tsars, and Michael III was far more famous than his predecessor of the same name. Thus, the transcriber changed Michael I into Michael III and added the name of his saint mother Theodora. Had the transcriber intended to make the title more formal, since the Byzantine tsar had become saint by coronation, he would also have had to call Tsar Michael saint, and not only his mother. Latin sources, above all Einhard and John Deacon, describing the situation in Dalmatia from 806 to 810, lead us to think that Dalmatia was archontia, since there was dux in Zadar (Jadera). Einhard mentions the prefect of the province in Zadar in 821, which speaks of a different administrative organisation. An analogy can be found in the prefect of Cephalonia who is known to have been a strategos as of late 8th century, and who is mentioned as a prefect in the same source. The chronology of events would be the following – in accordance with the Peace of Aachen, the arhontia of Dalmatia was restored in 812, and in 817, after the demarcation with the Slavs, Byzantium promoted Dalmatia into a theme. According to the report of the Saxon Gottschalk, 846-848, it is clear that Dalmatia was a theme. The seal of the strategos of Dalmatia, Bryennios, that was dated to the 40s of the 9th century by Schlubmerger, and which was disputed by Ferluga, was later on supported by Oikonomides. In addition to the said crucial arguments, there is a series of details pointing to the necessity to review the existing dating of Uspenski’s Taktikon. It may be concluded that after the Peace of Aachen, i.e. after June 812, the Byzantines drew up a Taktikon which reflected the new state of affairs. However, all these changes did not happen during the rule of Michael I, but Nicephor I, whose untimely death prevented him from realising his plan of broad administrative changes throughout the empire. The changes included: 1) the abolishment of the theme of Strymon; 2) the establishment of the theme of Dyrrachion, 3) the establishment of the theme of Chaldia (around 811); 4) the reestablishment of the archontia of Dalmatia, 5) the creation of the theme of Creta (before 811). 6) the establishment of the theme of Klimata.
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Squire Toma Pavla Toma was a member of the renowned Toma family from Kotor that was a branch of the Drago family. The Drago family, in turn, branched from the Basilli family that can be traced back to late 12th century. This paper grants Toma a justified biography portraying his life and work, that is his political and business activity. Like his father, he continued to perform all important missions for the Serbian king and state. His political and business activities can be traced as of 1312, when there is first mention of him in the Archives of Dubrovnik, until his death in 1330. His business activities were related to Dubrovnik, Kotor and Serbia. Toma set up joint-stock trading companies with people in Kotor, Dubrovnik, Venice and Serbia. He was a warrantor, creditor, representative and debtor. Little is known about his life in Kotor, as the sources dating from before 1326 have not been preserved. The Archives of Kotor trace Toma’s life and work only from 1326 to 1330, the last four years of his life. However, Toma’s last will speaks much more about his life and work in Kotor, Serbia and Dubrovnik. Even when he was only a visitor to Kotor, living in Dubrovnik and Serbia, Toma maintained connections with business people from his hometown. How significant was Toma Pavla Toma both for the Serbian Court and the town of Kotor was recorded in an article of the Statute of Kotor (426). His last will also gives a picture of almost the entire social and economic situation in Kotor of the first decades of the 14th century. In the third decade of the 14th century, Toma’s business and social activities in Serbia became more prominent. He lived in Serbia at that time, there is record of his presence in the town of Prizren where he owned a house and traded. He was the King's envoy in Dubrovnik and a person of trust who collected St. Dimitar's tax in this town. He also performed other tasks for the Serbian king and state, such as procuring of arms and horses, war being imminent in Serbia. Toma knew how to make good business deals for the ruler. In July 1329, he signed a contract on the lease of all Serbian customs offices on behalf of the Serbian king with three respected and rich merchants from the ranks of Dubrovnik aristocracy. Being close to the Court, he had business relations with well-known persons and merchants from Serbia. He worked with dukes – Duke Mladen, the progenitor of the Brankovic tree and Duke Vukoslav. How devoted was Toma Pavla Toma to the Serbian king and Serbia is shown by the fact that he spent his last days in Serbia, where on his death-bed in the ruler’s castle of Štimlje in Kosovo, he made his last will. Toma dealt with the Venetian merchants who lived in Kotor, Dubrovnik and Serbia in the 20s of the 14th century - Marco Ruggini, Pierangelo Polani, Bartolomeo Bolani, Francesco il Farmacista and others. Toma Pavla Toma was a merchant of great stature and prominence. He traded with the West and East, that is Venice, Apulia and Thessaloniki. He traded in metals (silver and lead), fabric, salt, wheat, wax, arms, horses etc. He acquired enormous capital, which he invested both in movable and real property in Kotor, Serbia and Dubrovnik. Toma’s long, successful and versatile business activities lasted until early 1330 when he died, probably in Serbia.
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The purpose of this article is to examine the career of a religious living at the turn of the seventeenth and eighteenth century, Father John Damascene Lubieniecki, as well as to discuss the issues related to the foundation of the theology faculty at the Sopra Minerva priory in Rome, where Lubieniecki was one of the lecturers. According to the will of Cardinal Jerome Casanate, two chairs of theology and a college of six theologians were established at the Dominican priory. According to the cardinal’s plan, this centre was intended to instruct both secular and consecrated persons in the thought of Saint Thomas Aquinas. Casanate’s theologians were supposed to represent the major nations of the world. The first professor from the Germanic nations (in which medieval universities included Hungary and Poland) was John Damascene Lubieniecki. It is worth noting that Cardinal Casanate defined clearly the academic qualifications that a lecturer must have. On the list of institutions that the lecturers of the various nations were required to have studied in were the University of Salamanca, the University of Paris, and, for members of the Germanic nations, the Dominican general studiumat the Krakow or Vienna priories or the University of Cologne. The figure of John Damascene Lubieniecki deserves attention not only because of his work as a lecturer at this centre sponsored by Casanate. He also held a number of important functions in the Polish Province of the Dominicans. He had a thorough education, studied in Krakow, Spain and France, and taught in the formal studium in Warsaw and the general studium in Krakow. He was elected several times as prior of various convents of the Polish Province (Sieradz, Brześć Kujawski, Warsaw) and was actively involved in the organization of a general studium at the priory in Warsaw. The crowning achievement of his religious career was his election as provincial. To the long list of important functions he carried out in the Order should be added his participation in a pontifical commission dealing with the beatification of Blessed Czeslaw (Ceslaus). The last task entrusted to him was the administration of the diocese of Bacãu, Moldova, whose territory included Moldavia and Wallachia as well as Bessarabia.
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Omar Khayyam Nishapuri, a renowned Iranian philosopher, mathematician, astronomer and poet of the 12th and 13th centuries, is considered one of the best-known Iranian poets, along with Jalaluddin Rumi and Hafez Shirazi.His poetry has been translated into many languages, including English, German, French, Italian, Spanish, Russian, Japanese and Arabic. Although he was primarily a mathematician, philosopher and astronomer, it was Khayyam’spoetry that earned him world renown, despite the fact that his contributions in poetry and literature were scant—Khayyam wrote fewer verses than any other well-known Persian poet. Moreover, the literary merit of his poetry is not greater or more significant than that of other poets. When we compare the total number of rubaiyat written by Khayyam—178 or fewer (there is a suspicion that many of these poems were written by others)- with the approximately 160,000 couplets written by Firdousi in his Shaname, or the number of verses in Mawlana’s Mathnawi and Diwan, we can see the position Khayyam occupies in Persian poetry. Nevertheless, Khayyam is more popular globally, especially in the West, than the most famous Iranian poets. This raises the question: what peculiarity of his Rubaiyat and ideas made him popular, first among Iranians, and then internationally, especially in Europe? The goal of this paper is to examine the results of different interpretations and analyses of Khayyam’s Rubaiyat present in Western societies, and to investigate the reasons and conditions that caused his great popularity therein.
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The 9th century has, in the history of the Romanian nation, a greater importance than it is often considered, not only if we analyze the structure of the Romanian vocabulary, but also, as a natural consequence, if we study Romanians’ spirituality. In 797, Charles the Great, emperor of the Frankish Kingdom, destroyed the mighty Avar Khaganate, which had its centre in Pannonia and included the present territory of Romania, at least up to the Carpathians. As succesors to the Avars, the Franks imposed their own rule, calling that area ‘Pannonian’ or ‘Avar March’. In the Carolingian Empire, a ’march’ represented a system of organizing the newly-conquered domains and had the purpose of ‘frankizing’ them both formally and structurally speaking, in order to assert their imperial power and their own Church, which was Missionary-Apostolic. Thus, the Carolingian Empire (797-896) meant for the then Romanians a revival of their Latinity, as they perceived an unspoiled pattern in the missionaries’ language, unlike the one of their previous Barbarian conquerors. This reaffirmed the Romanians’ mother tongue, since the Carolingian Empire itself used it, as previously stated, and through it, confirmed their Latin origins – both of which were handicaps in the Barbarians’ view. Their Christian faith was also strengthened, a fact that brought about the oppression or, at lest, the contempt of their former subduers.
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De manière explicite à la fin du XIIe siècle, mais en effet à partir du XIe siècle, les sources byzantines ainsi que celles pontificales et slaves mentionnent régulièrement la région de l’Arbanon (’AXpavov, Albanum, PaôbHb)'. C’est là que voit le jour la première formation étatique médiévale albanaise, la Principauté d’Arbanon. Compte tenu de sa position géographique, à proximité de Durrës et le long de la voie Egnatia, l’Arbanon a été au centre de l’histoire médiévale non seulement albanaise, mais aussi adriatique et balkanique, et ce n’est pas par hasard que des balkanologues et des albanologues éminents l’ont baptisé comme le premier « noyau » de l’Albanie médiévale.
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Iran territory, which is not in the nature of Turks in Anatolia bridge has been a very important center. In particular, the most important structures in the Great Seljuk Turks, filled with monumental works of art in Iran have caused in these lands. For the first time during the Karahan’s met with Turkish Islam put forward a number of innovations in the architectural sense after this rotation. The Great Seljuk state this heritage they received from Karahan’s mosques, madrasas, caravanserais and the tomb structure in the basic form of the improved size for the first time a new team seeking to gradually Turkish and Islamic Art 11th and 12th century were revealed. The tomb architecture in Central Asia have built shrines Seljuk Turkish art to remain connected usually in the form of tents. After the return to a particular state Empire tombs have gained significant forms. Gunbadi Alawiyan in traditional forms with square-shaped building reflects the Seljuk tombs are rich and engaging a lot of attention with the sophisticated stucco. This study draws attention to the Great Seljuk tombs with decorations in Gunbad-i monuments Alawiyan will do a presentation.
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This paper primarily focuses on the Croatian-Venetian relations during the Middle Ages, more precisely until the beginning of the 15th century. It is based on the present historiographical knowledge and the original archival materials (both published and unpublished), especially those preserved at the Archivio di Stato di Venezia. The first part briefly presents the general political circumstances that influenced the Croatian-Venetian relations in the said period (military conflicts over navigation rights in the Eastern Adriatic, alternation of Croatian-Hungarian and Venetian rule over the area, Zadar’s anti-Venetian uprising, the reign of Louis I of Anjou, and other political factors). The central part of the text focuses on trans-Adriatic migrations and the Croatian presence in Venice from the 11th century until the very beginning of the 15th, with regard to the exact origins of Croatian migrants to Venice, their professions, economic activity and success, places of residence, and integration in the new setting. Along with various other examples, special attention is paid to the life and activity of Hrvat Dobromir, a former slave who became a successful Venetian entrepreneur (12th century). Another case study is the last will of Sergio Turturosi, a priest from Bar, written in the late 14th century. The final part of the study indicates the earliest Croatian contributions to Venetian culture, such as the activity of Croatian artists, primarily those linked to glass production on the island of Murano. The conclusion is that the Croatian migrations to Venice before the 15th century were, on the whole, individual. It was only the 15th century that marked the turning point, after which Croats would become a significant minority in Venice and gain social visibility as a recognizable and esteemed ethnic group in the lagoon city.
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Starting from the Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus’ work De Administrando Imperio, where he wrote that after the death of a Serbian archon, the rule over the people was shared between his two sons, it is assumed that the Serbs were then a nomadic, animal herding people, not farmers, so that they lacked a territory as the third element of statehood. The assumption is backed by the fact that the mythical Serbian ancestor was the wolf, which was possible only if they were animal herders and not farmers. From their ancient homeland to Thessaloniki, Serbs covered a vast distance, which was also possible only if they were nomads. Since they did not like the lands around Thessaloniki, they came all the way to Belgrade, a distance of more than 600 kilometres, which was also possible only if they were a nomadic people and not farmers. Granted by Heraclius, the Serbs settled in the western Balkans and as they could not continue their nomadic way of life due to the geography of the region, they had to settle there permanently, which made them turn to farming. This way, the Serbian states obtained the third element of statehood – a territory. Furthermore, by the mid-9th century, the state ceased to be divided by the number of sons, and one son was now a supreme ruler, whilst the others were his subjects. A principle of the second-born was established.
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Византиската дипломатија за време на конфликтот со Самоиловата држава била употребена тогаш кога не постоела воена опција со која Византија би им се спротивставила на агресивните намери на нејзините владетели, но и кога имало можност зацртаната цел да биде остварена на ваков начин. Понекогаш таа целосно ги заменувала византиските воени активности на теренот. Средствата и методите што биле употребени биле во целосна согласност со утврдените норми запишани во текстовите што се однесуваат на или инцидентно известуваат за овој аспект на византиската политика. Освен во почетната деценија од конфликтот, кога непријателот бил политички непознат, византиската власт се обидела преку директни преговори и од позиција на супериорност веднаш да ја реши ситуацијата на Балканот. Во преостанатиот период дипломатската активност на Василиј II кон Самоиловата држава била прагматична, обликувана според можностите, но и моменталните потреби на теренот, како и од сознанието за нејзината ограниченост, знаење стекнато преку искуството добиено од почетните контакти со Самоил. Поради силните карактери на владетелите на Самоиловата држава и нивната решителност да не му се потчинат на Василиј II, византиската дипломатија имала ограничен успех во запирањето на непријателствата. Затоа биле потребни значителни воени напори за конечно да се заврши конфликтот и да се постигне целта–воспоставување на византиска хегемонија на Балканот.
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The article aims to present how the Byzantine scholar St Maximus the Confessor perceived the notion of movement (kinesis). St Maximus exposed his teaching on movement in the course of his refutation of Origenism, which regarded the movement of created beings away from God as the cause of breaking the original unity that existed between the Creation and the Creator. By reversing Origen’s triad ‘rest’ – ‘movement’ – ‘becoming’ into the triad ‘becoming’ – ‘movement’ – ‘rest’, St Maximus viewed the movement toward God as the sole goal of created beings, finding in the supreme being the repose of their own movement. In addition to the cosmological view of the movement, St Maximus developed a psychological and an ontological view on movement, relying on previous Christian tradition. By transforming and adapting Aristotelian and Neoplatonic notions to the basic principles of Christian metaphysics, St Maximus creates a new Christian philosophy of movement which he supported primarily with the views of the Cappadocian Fathers and Dionysius the Areopagite.
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