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Marcel Strýko pod dohľadom Štátnej bezpečnosti

Author(s): Peter Jašek / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 03/2015

The author looks into an operation initiated by the State Security (ŠtB) against Košice-based dissident Marcel Strýko in the 1980s. Marcel Strýko and his group The Nace belonged among the leading representatives of the dissident movement in Košice. Their activities were wide-ranging: from producing music which was close to the underground to spreading samizdats to organizing secret concerts and exhibitions. The State Security used all accessible means while dealing with his case: from wiretapping to intercepting his correspondence. At the same time, several secret agents shadowed Marcel Strýko and reported on him to the State Security.

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Boromejka Vojtěcha Antonie Hasmandová. Politická vězeňkyně a bojovnice za náboženská práva a svobody

Author(s): Markéta Doležalová / Language(s): Czech Issue: 04/2015

The life story of one of the most interesting figures among the ranks of female orders in post-war Czechoslovakia, Vojtěcha Antonie Hasmandová from the Congregation of the Sisters of Mercy of St. Borromeo, remains inspirational today, in a period when religious rights as an element of commonly recognised human and civil rights are again being trampled underfoot by the newly rampant totalitarianism threatening the democratic world.

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Chilei küldetésben, 1956–1975

Author(s): Mátyás Gábor Varga / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2016

Deák Ferenc SJ: Chilei küldetésben, 1956–1975. Szerkesztette és a bevezető tanulmányt írta: Molnár Gábor. Bp., Jézus Társasága Magyarországi Rendtartománya, 2013. 111 p.

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A befogadás kultúrája és az 1957. januári osztrák menekültkvóta-indítvány

Author(s): James P. Niessen / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2016

On October 2, 2016 Hungary held a referendum on the application of a mandatory quota for the reception of refugees that may be imposed by the European Union. This referendum prompted an examination of refugee quotas for the reception of Hungarian refugees from the 1956 Revolution who fled to Austria and sought asylum in other Western countries. UN archives and official publications show that many countries welcomed the Hungarian refugees and announced voluntary quotas for the number of refugees they would accept for resettlement. Austria failed to secure its more ambitious goal of mandatory quotas, but its call for expeditious resettlement was largely accepted.

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A NATO és az 1956-os magyar menekültek

Author(s): D. Gusztáv Kecskés / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2016

For investigating the reaction of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to the 1956 Hungarian refugee crisis, the paper presents a synthesis based on source material from the NATO Archives (Brussels), as well as from the archives of the French foreign ministry (La Courneuve), the National Archives (Washington) and Archives of the United Nations Secretariat (New York), the European Office of the UN (Geneva). First, the author evokes the challenges of the NATO in the mid of the 1950s. Then he points out its attitude concerning the refugee situation in Europe before the Hungarian exodus. The reception of the 200.000 Hungarians in the Western World was an exceptionally successful international humanitarian action. The paper demonstrates that the most important component of this outcome was the political will of NATO governments, which – in part as a result of the ideological confrontation with the Soviets – ensured continued attention and support for the problem of the Hungarian refugees even once the waves of popular sympathy had receded in the host societies.

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„Operation Mercy” – lehetetlennek tűnő küldetés? Az 1956-os menekültek fogadtatása az Egyesült Államokban

Author(s): Nóra Deák / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2016

What lessons can be learnt from the refugee crisis of the Cold War, following the crushing of the 1956 Hungarian revolution and freedom fight by Soviet tanks? Nearly 200,000 refugees fl ed Hungary to the West through Austria and Yugoslavia. Despite the existing strict immigration quotas and the Refugee Relief Act of 1953, the United States received some 40,000 refugees until 1959. How was it possible? A series of legal, political, military and humanitarian steps were taken, decisions made, and UN Security Council Resolutions adopted – but not enforced – in order to fulfill this mission. Although there was no war officially declared, yet the scene was a former military camp at Camp Kilmer, NJ; and the main characters were military personnel in addition to c. 2,000 volunteers and 31,225 refugees who were all processed, interviewed and registered at the Army base, turned into a Reception Center.

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Magyar menekültek hazatérése Svájcból 1956 után. A hazatérés okai és interpretációi a propaganda hadjáratban

Author(s): Tiphaine Robert / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2016

After 1956, some Hungarian refugees in Switzerland went back to Kádár’s Hungary, encouraged by the Hungarian government. This paper examines the situation of Hungarian refugees and their return in their homeland, as well as the diplomatic efforts of the Hungarian government’s policy in the case of Switzerland. The article further analyzes the rhetoric in contemporary sources both in Hungary and Switzerland about this category of refugees. Even if it remains a minority phenomenon, the analysis of the real or imagined motivations shed light on the history of the 1956 refugees.

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A magyar menekültkérdés kezelése Jugoszláviában, 1956–1957

Author(s): Attila Kovács / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2016

The 1956 revolution prompted nearly 200,000 Hungarians to leave the country for the West. However, shortly after the Soviet Union crushed the Revolution a reinforced control along the Western border made escape hazardous. According to official data, from October 23, 1956 to December 31, 1957, 19,857 persons moved to the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia; 16,374 of them later emigrated to the West, 2,773 Hungarian asylum-seekers were repatriated, and only 634 allowed to settle down in Yugoslavia. Tito’s Yugoslavia made efforts to handle the Hungarian refugee problem first by closing the northern border and then, when the pressure of the refugees broke the attempted blockade, by returning them to Hungary from the border line. When Yugoslavia finally decided to accept the refugees in early 1957, it did so forced by an immense number of the refugees on the border and its fear of endangering its own Western reputation as a liberal-minded country. The Yugoslav authorities only managed to solve on year later the Hungarian refugee crisis with the decisive help of the international relief organizations, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration

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Felnőtté válás és integráció az Ausztriában letelepült 1956-os emigráns diákok körében

Author(s): András Lénárt / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2016

The article is based on biographical interviews which I conducted in 2005 with 1956 emigrants who spent their whole life in Austria. These 25 teenagers left Hungary alone, in some cases even without the knowledge of their parents. They had the opportunity to fi nish secondary education and take their final exams at Hungarian language schools established especially for them in Austria. The topic of the article is about their process of growing up, and their early adulthood, which in their case coincided with making their first steps of integrating into the Austrian society. Obviously while talking about that hard and problematic period of their life, they rarely mentioned their Hungarian identity or their memories of the revolution.

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Az 1956-os menekültek társadalmi integrációja az Egyesült Államokban

Author(s): Balázs Balogh / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2016

According the latest U.S. census, around 1.5 million persons declare Hungarian or partial Hungarian identity based on at least one or more grandparents. A good portion of them had emigrated from Hungary as a consequence of 1956 revolution or they are descendants of ’56-ers. In my paper, based on extensive fieldwork in the U.S. among Hungarian Americans, I try to sketch up how the approximately 40 thousand young Hungarian students and industrial, blue and white collar workers who arrived to the States as political refugees, had been welcomed. The attitude toward the ’newcomers’ of earlier generations of Hungarian immigrants, who largely established the institutional network of Hungarian–American community life, is an issue to highlight. The analysis of various integration strategies of ’56-ers to local pre-existing communities and networks are also crucial to my research.

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Társadalmi egyenlőtlenségek és elégedetlenségek a titói Jugoszláviában

Author(s): Péter Vukman / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2017

Social Inequalities and Discontent in Yugoslav Socialism. Eds.: Archer, Rory–Duda, Igor–Stubbs, Paul. London– New York, Routledge, 2016. 198 p

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A csehszlovák belügyminisztérium 1968-ban. Josef Pavel reformja

Author(s): Péter Bencsik / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2018

After the Action program of the Czechoslovak Communist Party was adopted during the Prague Spring in April 1968, a new government was formed in which Josef Pavel was the minister of internal affairs. Pavel was a victim of the show trials in the Stalin period and therefore a strong supporter of the reform movement. The paper deals with his plans to reshape the work of his ministry and, most importantly, of the state security. His plans were based on the Action program of the party. However, even party leader and moderate reformer Alexander Dubček and prime minister Oldřich Černík worked against him, so initially Pavel had no support at all, not even in the ministry itself. The only notable exception was Václav Prchlík, leader of the administrative department of the party, who was also a radical reformer. Pavel was able to replace the previous deputy ministers only after two months and other leaders of his portfolio in the beginning of August. Pavel’s reforms were opposed by the soviet security service, the KGB, which had agents also in Prague, both Soviets and Czechoslovaks, including one of the new deputy ministers, Viliam Šalgovič. In his first months, Pavel even seemed to be hesitant. Contrary to these facts, and against the resolution of the Presidency of the Central Committee, Pavel was able to carry on his plans and to adopt the action plans of the ministry and the security services.

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Gazdasági reformkísérletek Csehszlovákiában a szocializmus idején

Author(s): Zsolt Horbulák / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2018

There were several factors which supported or hindered the introduction of communist system. Those were among others the historical connection to Slavic Russia, the economic strength or the attitude towards the common ownership. In Czechoslovakia there were only two attempts to improve the efficiency of economy. The first attempt or the Rozsypalʼs reform was carry out between 1957 and 1960. This was a belated reaction to process of destalinisation or the new course, the new form of economic command ordered by Moscow. The changes were only organizational and were not accompanied by political. The second reform was named by Ota Šik and was realized from 1965 to 1968. This reform was much comprehensive than the earlier one and was ready to introduce some market elements to economy, but the reform period was too short to initiate new ideas. The relief of the political climate led to Prague Spring. However, this was changes were unacceptable for USSR. In September 1968 Šik was emigrated and all reform ideas were buried until 1989.

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Út a katonai intervencióhoz. A prágai tavasz és a magyar pártvezetés

Author(s): Miklós Mitrovits / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2018

The study presents János Kádár and the Hungarian political leadership’s slow process in changing policy towards the Prague Spring with examining it from January 1968 – the beginning of the Prague Spring – up to August, that is the military intervention of the Warsaw Pact member states’ troops, the occupation of Czechoslovakia: citing Hungarian, Czechoslovak, Polish and Russian sources that contribute the formation of a complex image on the personal standpoint of János Kádár. In addition to the political thread, the military affairs were getting more significant from June 1968. The study unfolds the Hungarian participation in the Šumava military exercise, including its evaluation. It reveals the Hungarian preparations of the military intervention, as well as the Soviet requests and the Hungarian responses. Finally, the study summarizes the facts of the Hungarian military participation. Relying on so far unknown sources, the study reconstructs the recorded negotiations during the two key meetings between Kádár and Dubček (13 July; 17 August), which are indispensable for the understanding the divergence of the two politicians.

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Szlovákia a prágai tavasz után. Változások a Szlovák Kommunista Pártban és a szlovák társadalomban, 1968. augusztus – 1969. április

Author(s): Stanislav Sikora / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2018

The author analyses the situation that established after the military intervention in Slovakia on 20th August 1968. He refers to the period from the beginning of the occupation till April 1969 as a transitional period, when the reformers are still trying to restore the Prague Spring acquis, however, in the meantime, “normalisation” - in line with the Soviet interests – were about to start, which stood for the legitimacy of the occupation. Gustáv Husák, who was elected to become the leader of the Communist Party of Slovakia during the initial days of the occupation, came first to “normalise“ the Slovak territories by the Spring of 1969, then later – for this achievement – he wins the first secretary position in the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. By processing archives, the study reconstructs the role of Husák first in the Slovak, secondly the Czechoslovak party membership’s political polarisation: how he hindered the rescue of the reforms and how he served the Soviet interests in order to take the power in the end. In the second half of the study the author reveals how the Slovak society reacted on the so called normalization policy.

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Kisebbségi jogvita az 1968. évi föderációs átalakítás árnyékában. Források a csehszlovákiai nemzetiségi törvény történetéhez

Author(s): Veronika Gaál / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2018

The most significant consequence of the Prague Spring for Czechoslovak history was not the brief taste of freedom enjoyed by citizens but rather the federalisation of the state. The Constitutional Law of Federation was passed on 28 October 1968 and led to the federalisation of Czechoslovakia. In Czechoslovakia Csemadok (Czechoslovak Hungarian Workers’ Cultural Association) represented the most important institutional framework for the cultural reorganization of Hungarians since 1949. The organization was originally a cultural association, but Csemadok was considered the most significant social power of the Hungarians in Slovakia, and it participated in the advocacy efforts, too. In 1968, during the Prague Spring period, Csemadok supported the liberalization policies, tried to change into a political interest group and asked for more rights and privileges for the ethnic Hungarians. The document compilation aims to present the attempt to organize the Hungarian minority.

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1966–1971 – „Horvátország tavasza”

Author(s): György Lukács B. / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2018

The study presents the Croatian reform movement in the second half of the 1960s, known as the Croatian Spring. In this era, Communist leadership in Yugoslavia, and as its part, in Croatia has been experimenting with reforms, which have brought significant economic, political and social transformation. The aspirations of the Croatian Communists were supported by most intellectuals and the Croatian society, the common goal being to increase the autonomy of the republic, to redefine its political, economic and cultural position in Yugoslavia. The paper presents the role of the most important Croatian cultural institution – the Matica hrvatska, the Croatian student movement and the Croatian political emigration. The changes to the federal constitution and the subsequent crisis in Croatia, the fall of the Croatian „reform Communist” leadership and the Croatian movement, are also presented.

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Gustáv Husák. Realista karrierista?

Author(s): Miklós Mitrovits / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2018

Macháček, Michal: Gustáv Husák. Praha, Višehrad, 2017. 631 p

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Vasil Biľak. Áruló vagy kollaboráns?

Author(s): Attila Baki / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2018

Jašek, Peter: Vasil Biľak. Zradca alebo kolaborant? Bratislava, Marenčin PT, 2017. 192 p

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1968 májusa Franciaországban és a nagyhatalmi erőegyensúly

Author(s): Tamás Baranyi / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2018

The events of May 1968 often constitute a central issue in political debates and social sciences, though only relatively lately came into the fore of historiography. One particular aspect in historiography, however, is not yet fully developed with regards to 1968, that of diplomatic history. This article sets out with a historiographical overview and the general setting of the late 1960s. Then it moves on to examine the international background of the events with a particular emphasis on French–American relations. The interconnections among great power politics, Cold War history, and social history have already produced a fair amount of analyses of the immediate repercussions of the event, but left out important points as well. May 1968 was not only an indicator of global social shifts but also of subtle changes in the balance of forces and international politics. The present article is an attempt to overview this historiographical field.

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