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Še kot magister je kolega dr. Boris Mlakar - ob izjavi Predsedstva RS o narodni in državljanski umiritvi - napisal 20. marca 1990 za uredništvo "Borca" anketo o spravi. V njej je nekatera vprašanja zastavil tako, da je že sam in vnaprej postavil tezo, da je revolucija kriva za pojav oborožene in politično-policijske kolaboracije dela slovenske politike v času sovražne zasedbe, in v tem okviru še tezo o državljanski vojni kot določujočem dejstvu za oceno vsega tega dogajanja. S tega vidika je postavil v središče presoje "revolucijo" in ugotovitev, da "je torej tedaj bila revolucija v teku". K temu je pristavil svoje prepričanje, da je ravno to povzročilo, da so se tisti, ki so se te prihajajoče revolucije "bali", odločili za "protirevolucionarni upor", in to tako, da so se naslonili na okupatorja in sprejeli od njega orožje, kljub temu da so vedeli, da bodo označeni kot narodni izdajalci. [...]
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The author emphasizes the significance of the scientific work of Dr Milica Kacin Wohinz for Slovenian and Italian historiography. Apart from her research work, she educated her younger colleagues and opened for them a way into the Slovenian archives, at a time when most of the Italian ones were still inaccessible. The paper includes an extract from an article, symbolically entitled 'Peace', which Elio Apih from Trieste, another Nestor of the history of 'frontier Fascism', published in 1945, in the paper L'idea Liberale under the pseudonym of Lorenzo Savelli. In the article he firmly advocated 'mutual understanding' together with 'the recognition of the other as equal to oneself.'
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This paper deals with the concept of singularity with special regard to the problem of historical singularity. On the one hand, attention is devoted to contemporary thinkers such as Sartre, Badiou, Deleuze, Basso, Hallward, Hardt/Negri and Agamben, in order to reconstruct the main dilemmas and challenges. The author confronts these thinkers by taking into consideration the key notions of these debates: universality, representation, difference/indifference, individuality, multiplicity, contingency, creativity. On the other hand, this paper focuses on the debates over the singularity of the Holocaust by applying the insights of the previous Begriffsgeschichte of singularity. An excursus is devoted to Fatelessness, written by Imre Kertész.
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In the following paper I will consider the question how has the understanding of history transformed trough time, mainly concerning the development from the understanding focused on necessity to that which prioritized the contingency. Thereby it can be seen how concentrating on language can turn philosophers away from the idea that history is ruled by certain laws or principles. That which historically occurs cannot be adequately derived from general notions; instead – the man is the one who, by changing the usage of language, forms the history. While the classical (idealistically coloured) philosophy of history had announced the freedom accordingly to criteria of mind, the postmodern philosophers of philosophy of history have been criticizing that tradition and demanding deliberation of biased philosophical notions such as the one of the unique mind, because they think that such notions were also accidentally set up and thus have only historically conditioned plausibility. This critique was in the most radical manner formulated by the Neo-pragmatist Richard Rorty, who by insisting on contingency of everything humane (including language) pointed out to the boundaries of the project of philosophy as the discipline which establishes the knowledge.
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The end of the 20th century and the events which have happened and are still happening require a systematic classification of knowledge which has been accumulated about the 20th century and about what has transpired in that period, especially the crucial events which have changed the historical picture of historical time and concern Brodell’s process of long duration, such as World War II and the revolutions which took place worldwide, one of which was the Yugoslav revolution, occurring at the same time as those events of World War II which happened in the southeastern region of the Balkans. It is especially important to classify and analyze the historiographic works in Yugoslav historiography of modern history which deal with this topic and which study the trials of humanism, works dealing with the history of the Yugoslav Communist Party and the Communist Youth League of Yugoslavia, World War II and the Yugoslav revolution from 1941 to 1945. A contribution to this study was given by philosophers who explored the moral code of the Yugoslav revolution and the history of morality, participating in the debate regarding the open question of the existence or absence of ethics in the revolution.
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Pismo je to profesorice Mirjane Miočinović kojem je neposredni povod bila tragična smrt Milana Milišića. Objavljeno je u knjizi intervjua, zapisa i komentara Nemoć očiglednog, koji obuhvaćaju razdoblje od 1991. do 2007. godine. Nije taj njezin pokušaj buđenja savjesti kod kolega s kojima je radila potresao vodstvo Akademije u kojoj je predavala, nije zaustavio ni mnogo manje načine mračnog djelovanja no što je to rat. Postalo je povijesnim dokumentom. Svjedočanstvom izdvojenosti, osamljenosti i nepoštivanja svete profesorske uloge. Da se ne pristane sudjelovati u zločinu, da se odbije tiho konformističko prihvaćanje ubojstava u ime bezumnih političkih odluka. Ne samo zbog sebe nego prije svega zbog svojih učenika. Njihove budućnosti. [...]
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Tekstovi filozofa i umjetnika izravno ili neizravno vezanih uz duh »povijesne avangarde« nose patos očekivanja velikoga obrata. To, dakako, ne treba čuditi. Dva svjetska rata i komunističke revolucije bile su sudbonosnim događajima prekretnice u odnosu na postojani smjer povijesnoga gibanja. Između apokaliptike i mesijanstva ideje nastale u 20. stoljeću stapaju se s retorikom revolucija i mahnitom srdžbom sukobljenih strana u građanskim ratovima. Uostalom, bez razumijevanja radikalnoga obrata povijesnoga sklopa bitka, bića i biti čovjeka ne može se uopće dohvatiti ono čemu je smjerala umjetnost avangarde. Tko bi u ime čistoće forme želio suvremenu umjetnost osloboditi od buke i bijesa politike ne samo da bi ispao naivan u blaženom estetskome autizmu. Još bi bilo gore misliti da se tome može oduprijeti bijegom u zatvorene svjetove dekadentnoga osjećanja života, poput des Esseintesa, glavnoga junaka romana Jorisa-Karla Huysmansa Naopako, koji se sklanja u odaje vlastita narcizma i odbojnosti spram prostaštva masovnoga ukusa svjetine da bi očuvao dostojanstvo mišljenja i vlastite slobode.i S modernim je razdobljem znanosti i tehnike otpočela istodobno najgorljivija politizacija svijeta života u povijesti čovječanstva. [...]
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Tzv. odrađivanje »prošlosti« nalaže pojašnjenje. Tim izrazom, prema aktualnim jezičnim navadama, ne teži se tome da bi s prošlost uistinu proradila, odnosno da bi se začaranost predajom razbila pomoću jasne svijesti. Naprotiv, radi se o tome da se ispod povijesti podvuče crta i, gdje god je to moguće povijest izbriše iz pamćenja. Gesta da sve valja zaboraviti i oprostiti pristajala bi onima, koji su se nepravdama oduprli. A prakticiraju je upravo oni, koji su te nepravde učinili. Napisao sam nekoć: u kući krvnika ne govori se o užetu! Htjeli bismo se osloboditi prošlosti. S pravom, budući da se u njezinoj sjeni ne da živjeti. I jer grozotama neće nikada doći kraj , ukoliko krivnja i nasilje budu naplaćivane krivnjom i nasiljem; s nepravom, zato što je prošlost od koje bismo se htjeli otrgnuti još uvijek u najvećoj mjeri živa. Nacionalsocijalizam živi dalje i mi još uvijek ne znamo jeli to sablast onoga što je bilo tako monstruozno da u svojoj smrti još nije umrlo, ili pak do njegove smrti nije ni došlo ... [...]
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In this paper, I turn my attention to two main topics: first, the French Revolution of 1789, which began 230 years, and second, a brief history of the pamphlet. A study of the relationship between these topics sheds light on the intellectual history of modern political thought. On the one hand, we thus discover some leading directions in the development of the media of the written word, which may give rise to divergent and contradictory ideas in the impartial observer. On the other, we stand before the imposing view of the modern political revolution as an epoch-making event involving complete denial of the past system of religious, moral, and juridical values in the name of the people’s all-embracing liberty, defined as the most important value by the radical Enlightenment philosophers in the second half of the eighteenth century.
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The article presents new facts and original analyses of the donation activities and the Wills of Dr. Petar Beron. A number of confirmed opinions about specific donations, teacher support, etc., are found to contain serious omissions and inaccuracies. Many important, but hitherto supressed or unknown, data about abuses involved in the donations are pointed out and analyzed in detail ford the first time in the article. The author reveals so far unknown, or barely touched upon, aspects of the social, political, and economic context of the Wills.
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The Shoah belongs to one of the most thoroughly investigated aspects of modern European history. Scholars have used the Holocaust methodology to study other genocides, or forms of ethnic or political violence. Nevertheless, our understanding of the extermination of the European Jewry is limited, fragmented, and changes constantly due to new investigation methods, research interests, and public debates. The first studies on the Holocaust were conducted already during the Shoah but because of different reasons historians in some countries such as Germany and Ukraine did not pay much attention to them and concentrated rather on the documents left by the perpetrators and their fate during the war. While in Poland the research on the Holocaust never stopped, even if it was subjected to various political and ideological limitations, and the Shoah has been publicly debated since the middle of the 1980s, this was not the case in Lithuania, Belarus, and Ukraine. Nevertheless, in the last two decades, the importance of the Holocaust was discovered in these countries as well and it is currently conceptualized in the framework of regional, national, and European history.
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This article investigates how the Holocaust was recollected, presented, and interpreted in Ukraine and Belarus during the Soviet era. It further examines the changes that have taken place in the representation of the Holocaust in Ukraine and Belarus in the postcommunist period. First, the article aims to explain the ideological reasons why the Jewish origin of many Nazi victims was largely played down or ignored in the Soviet historiography. Second, it investigates the new political dynamics in independent postcommunist Ukraine and Belarus that have influenced public discourse and historiographical reflections on various issues of the Second World War, including the persecution of the Jews. As well as historiography, the article investigates the developments that have taken place in contemporary Ukraine and Belarus regarding commemorative practices, monuments, museum exhibitions, and education initiatives to honor the victims of the Holocaust and to promote knowledge about this event.
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The Holocaust is the darkest page of Lithuanian history: Nearly the whole Jewish community in Lithuania was destroyed, while a part of ethnic Lithuanians participated in this destruction. This article discusses three layers and periods of the Holocaust in Lithuania that have made a considerable impact on the perception of this traumatic period in Lithuanian society. The first period deals with the Lithuanian–Jewish relations during the German occupation in Lithuania (1941–1944). The second one is related to the Soviet reoccupation of Lithuania and discussions among Lithuanian émigrés in the West (1944–1990), which shaped the history of the Holocaust in Lithuania from the ideological (Soviet) and defensive (Lithuanian émigré) perspectives. The final part of this article discusses the historiography and Holocaust memory in independent Lithuania after the 1990s. Almost thirty years of independence mark not only the re-creation of some old myths and stereotypes in Lithuania, but also new groundbreaking and open discussions in society, concerning the perception of this dark page of Lithuanian history.
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What is the power of the powerless today? By drawing on the philosophy of history that informed Havel’s landmark essay, this piece presents notes for a possible sequel. It assesses the contemporary state of what Havel’s mentor, Jan Patočka, called “technological civilization,” particularly with respect to the growing linkage Patočka perceived between boredom (a product of this civilization) and orgiastic violence. Reflecting on the Havelian panoramas of our time and the ideologies associated with them, the piece situates our present in the multimillennial Patočkan history of human beings’ relation to meaning, violence, and responsibility. Following the logic behind Patočka’s and Havel’s Cassandra-like warnings from the 1970s, the piece concludes by confronting the increasing probability of global catastrophe, but it takes inspiration from their work to outline a program of responsible hope.
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The article proposes an interdisciplinary introduction to the notion of the political world as farce. More exactly, it advances the argument that, despite experiencing the world as a joke of cosmic proportions, an individual can still create meaning even in the most meaningless conditions (concentration camps, totalitarian societies, etc.). The article traces the presence of the topic in Dostoevsky’s The Brothers Karamazov and Primo Levi’s Se questo è un uomo and discusses the particular case of Milan Kundera, for whom the historical world appears as nothing but a cruel joke. The treatment of the topic is framed in relation to the theologia ludens tradition, the theatrical elements of Communism, as well as the process of meaning creation in conditions of meaninglessness.
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More than twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the disintegration of the Soviet empire in Eastern Europe, the region is still grappling with the problem of its new identity and the choice of an appropriate name to reflect it. There has been considerable talk about a “return to Europe,” as well as the emergence of a “new Europe” and, as a consequence of the latter, the birth of a “new Eastern Europe.” Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova are often viewed as the core of the “New Eastern Europe.” These countries have recently found themselves in a unique geopolitical position, sandwiched between the extended European Union in the west and Russia in the east. They had never been thought to constitute a distinct region and thus had no established group identity. This article explores the question of whether looking at the history of Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova as that of one region can help us better understand its past and explain its current situation.
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The language of history, more than any other systematic approach to knowledge, is subject to diverse, often contradictory interpretations. Lacking a rigorous scientific conceptual apparatus, it operates within the rather loose and changeable, albeit imaginative and often beautiful, conceptual pool of everyday speech. Although most historians are quite aware of this problem, hardly one in a hundred risks spoiling a nicely outlined presentation with a pedantic introduction on definitions. Taking the risk, I should like to begin with a definition of the key notion I use throughout this analysis answering the question: What is a myth? [...]
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Blessed Augustine was the progenitor of the theological philosophy of history. In the first half of the fifth century, he used several texts by Eusebius of Caesarea (260– 340), considered the founder of patristic historiography, but mostly of the Chronicle of the Beginning of the World, by Sulpicius Severus, and Seven Books of History Against the Pagans by Paulus Orosius. His historiosophical theses are embedded in the work “On the City of God”. Here he proposes a theory of history oriented toward the future, not the past. He united the heuristic Hellenistic chronology and historical tradition with Christian historicism, which led to the formation of the Christian philosophy (more precisely – theology) of history. He also sharply opposed some Christians who, because of the fall of the “fourth kingdom”, foretold the “end of the world”. At this point his “idea of time” and the notion of the essence of the state (kingdoms – divine and secular) are very useful. And therefore his work is considered the real beginning of a new stage in historical thought, known as “medieval historiography and historiosophy”.
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Bendyk discusses two interpretations of violence and its sources. The first refers to René Girard’s mimetic theory, where violence is a product of religion and culture; and the second stems from the Enlightenment, which presents violence as a product of human rationality. In Girard’s interpretation the apocalypse is a real option for the end of history, the second one leads to enlightened catastrophism, which removes the necessity of the apocalypse.
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