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Lufta e Skënderbeut kundër Venedikut (1447-1448)

Author(s): Luan Malltezi / Language(s): Albanian Publication Year: 0

Republika e Venedikut ka qenë një fuqi e rëndësishme shtetërore në periudhën e Skënderbeut. Fuqia e saj ekonomike qëndronte në lidhjet tregtare, që pati shekuj me radhë me Perandorinë Bizantine dhe tregjet e pasura të Lindjes. Lidhjet me Bizantin në tokat shqiptare, realizoheshin nëpërmjet rrugës së vjetër “Via Egnatia”, që vinte në Durrës nga Pulia dhe shkonte drejt Selanikut e Konstantinopojës.

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Die Schlacht bei Kaçanik und die Zussamenarbeit zwieschen Frederico Veterani und die Albaner im Jahre 1690

Author(s): Nuri Bexheti / Language(s): German Publication Year: 0

Im Herbst 1689 mußte das osmanische Heer nach etlichen Niederlagen viele strategisch wichtige Städte im Moravatal verlassen. Die Kaiserlichen drangen vor, eroberten die Städte Niş, Vidin und Üsküb und hatten auch Sofya bereits im Visier. Am 1. Oktober zog sich Sultan Süleyman II. von Sofya nach Edirne zurück. Am osmanischen Hof war man sich schon bewußt, daß dies der letzte Zeitpunkt war, eine gründliche und schnelle Reform durchzuführen.

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Memorandum on the Kutzo-Vlachs (1904)

Author(s): Bejtullah DESTANI / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Hon. Aubrey Herbert M.P (1880-1923) was the second son of the Fourth Earl of Carnavon by his second marriage and was the half-brother of George Herbert, the Fifth Earl of Carnarvon who discovered the famed tomb of Tutankhamun in Egypt. He was educated at Eton and Balliol College in Oxford. In 1922 when he was only twenty-two years old, he was appointed honorary attaché at the British Embassy in Tokyo, and in 1904 he was transferred to Constantinople where he worked for the embassy until the outbreak of war in 1914. Over these years Herbert travelled much in Albania and Macedonia, where he made friends with many leading personalities especially among the Albanians.

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Lufta e Kosovës si shembull i ndërhyrjes humanitare

Author(s): Rafael Biermann / Language(s): Albanian Publication Year: 0

Që nga fundi i Luftës së Ftohtë, asnjë konflikt nuk e ka ndarë aq shumë politikën ndërkombëtare sa Lufta e Kosovës. E kjo qëndron në atë se implikimet e saj normative e politike-praktike, shtrihen përtej rastit. Ato na konfrontojnë me fushat tensionuese të normave konkuruese, të cilat ne nuk mundim thjesht t`i shpërbëjmë, dhe shpesh ato ne i përceptojmë vetëm atëherë kur na detyron një ngjarje e jashtme sikurse rasti i konfliktit të Kosovës.

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New Aspects of Extradition to Russia and Belarus in the Context of the War in Ukraine

Author(s): Simona Franguloiu / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Given the intensification of the fight against terrorism and also the obligation to respect the fundamental rights and freedoms of suspects or accused persons in criminal proceedings, including those involving requests for judicial cooperation, the analysis of the optional grounds for extradition shows that they arise whenever, as a result of surrender, the extraditable person’s situation risks being substantially adversely affected, disregarding the factors giving rise to such a risk, such as, for example, the person’s age or state of health, without, however, limiting the impediments to extradition to the latter two elements. Consequently, it is necessary for the court dealing with the extradition request to identify all the circumstances and risk factors relevant to the incidence of the optional grounds for refusal of extradition by examining all the relevant information, including the objective situation existing in the requesting State. In this context, data showing the existence of a significant risk as described by repeated assessments by competent bodies, which point to the violation of fundamental human rights in the requesting State and/or the subjection of the extraditable person to inhuman or degrading treatment, may be considered.

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ГЕОГРАФИЈА И УПОТРЕБА СИЛЕ: ГЕОПОЛИТИЧКА АНАЛИЗА ВОЈНОГ АНГАЖОВАЊА СЈЕДИЊЕНИХ ДРЖАВА КРАЈЕМ XX И ПОЧЕТКОМ ХХI ВЕКА

Author(s): Branislav Đorđević,Nebojša Vuković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper analyzes US military interventions at the end of the last century and the beginning of this century, from the perspective of geopolitics and geostrategy. The analysis covers the period from the American military engagement in the Middle East and the Balkans in the early 1990s, through the interventions in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003), to the current actions in Iraq and Syria. The paper explains how geographical factors of strategic importance (access to the sea, position) influence the preparation and conduct of military operations by the United States armed forces. The authors emphasize that, regardless of the development of technology and its widespread application in warfare, geographical factors continue to significantly determine the use of force in the 21st century, even when it comes to the “only remaining superpower”. In their opinion, geography will continue to be an important factor in planning the use of force in the decades to come, especially when it comes to the foreign policy performance of the United States.

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ЗАБРАНА ОРУЖЈА ЗА МАСОВНО УНИШТЕЊЕ: ОД ЖЕНЕВЕ ДО ЊУЈОРКА ВЕК КАСНИЈЕ

Author(s): Vesna Knežević-Predić,Miloš Hrnjaz / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The origins of the ban on weapons of mass destruction should be sought in the ethical condemnation of the use of poison weapons that preceded the emergence of modern international humanitarian law. The process of transforming this ethical condemnation into a more precise, multilateral, treaty ban began at The Hague Conference in 1899, and could be completed with the entry into force of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, adopted in New York in 2017. The adoption of treaties aimed at a comprehensive ban on weapons of mass destruction has been marked by numerous processes that are specifically highlighted in this study: the gradual expansion of the material and personal scope of application of these treaties; the gradual creation of awareness of the legal obligation to refrain from the use of weapons of mass destruction, the existence of which is no longer disputed in relation to biological and chemical weapons, but remains controversial in relation to the use of nuclear weapons; the active participation of international organizations (the League of Nations, the United Nations, the International Committee of the Red Cross, and more recently international non-governmental organizations).

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РАЗВОЈ ВОЈНИХ НУКЛЕАРНИХ ПОТЕНЦИЈАЛА У ПОСТХЛАДНОРАТОВСКОМ ПОРЕТКУ КАО ИНСТРУМЕНТ ТВРДЕ МОЋИ У МЕЂУНАРОДНИМ ОДНОСИМА

Author(s): Dušan N. Proroković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Despite numerous theses that the post-bipolar order will mark "the end of history" and that instruments of "soft power" will be more important for realizing the interests of the most important actors in world politics, following both the "horizontal" and "vertical" development of nuclear potentials of states, the conclusion is that little has changed in international relations. In an anarchic environment, states protect themselves by increasing the potential of hard power. Unlike the early 1990s when there were six nuclear powers in the world, there are now nine, and in addition to the three new ones, some old ones, such as China and Israel, have significantly modernized their nuclear potentials. The nuclear race continues, albeit under new conditions and with certain (legal) restrictions, but it is also a fact with more actors. The paper consists of four parts. The introductory part presents the development of nuclear potentials of states from World War II to the end of bipolarity. The second part is dedicated to explaining the views of realists (nuclear optimists) and idealists (nuclear pessimists) and the results of the actions of the latter. The third part analyzes events from the 1990s to the present day and examines the causes of the increase in the number of nuclear powers. The last part contains concluding remarks.

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ЕТИЧКЕ И ОПЕРАТИВНЕ СПЕЦИФИЧНОСТИ ТЕХНОЛОГИЈЕ ОФАНЗИВНИХ ДРОНОВА У КОНТЕКСТУ МЕЂУНАРОДНИХ ОДНОСА

Author(s): Aleksandar Fatić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The text discusses some of the most influential arguments in support of the increasingly widespread use of so-called "predator drones" for military actions that do not have the dimensions of open war. The author argues that these arguments are mostly of weak explanatory power and do not address the essential ethical aspects of the technologization of warfare, and in particular the use of drones for military assassinations. The text concludes that the damage that the use of drones causes to the military, its self-understanding and acceptance by society as a whole, and the structure of society itself is incalculable, and that in this sense, despite the obvious operational advantages, the use of drones does not represent a civilizational leap forward, but rather a large and drastic civilizational step backward.

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САЈБЕР РАТОВАЊЕ И ПРОМЕНА ФИЗИОНОМИЈЕ САВРЕМЕНИХ СУКОБА

Author(s): Dejan Vuletić,Milinko Vračar / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

War, as a destructive social phenomenon, represents the crudest form of the use of force in international relations. The characteristics of contemporary conflicts indicate that the essence of war has changed. The military power of states, expressed through the use of armed force, is increasingly proving ineffective in achieving foreign policy interests. The trend of its decreasing effectiveness can be explained by the impact of the globalization process and the information revolution on social flows, which has significantly changed the operational environment in which contemporary conflicts take place. Globalization leads to an increasing role of non-state actors in international relations, which, it is believed, transforms them into global relations. On the other hand, the information revolution has fostered new dimensions of unarmed international conflicts. Cyberwarfare, as a form of information warfare, is a glaring example of the conduct of modern conflicts.

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THE NATO BOMBING OF YUGOSLAVIA (1999) 20 YEARS LATER – THE PROBLEMS OF LEGALITY, LEGITIMACY AND CONSEQUENCES

Author(s): Boris Krivokapić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Even during the NATO war against Yugoslavia (1999), the author of these lines pointed to its illegality. This was done in several contributions on the web page of the Yugoslav Internet Society. After that, I analyzed various aspects related to aggression in a book published in the same year, and then in a series of articles in scientific journals and collections of papers. For this reason, the main problem in writing this paper was how to objectively analyze and check evaluations and qualifications given in previous texts in the light of new knowledge. Another important question was whether it is necessary to ensureabsolute originality of the paper by writing about something we have never dealt with before or it is better to reconsider the most significant problems, although we have already covered some of them in our previous works. I decided for one type of compromise. That is, to return to the most important topics even if they are not brand new for us, but to try to do so from a new angle. Having in mind a considerable passage of time, finding new facts, the current state of international law and international relations, the role of the UN and NATO in the modern world, etc. the question arises as to whether the assessments and qualifications I made in the previous papers were correct. In other words, has something changed in the meantime, casting a significantly different light on the whole problem? Looking closer, putting things in the wider context and analyzing them from various angles, I will try to answer four basic questions: 1. Has anything changed in terms of the illegality of the NATO intervention - is there any reason to claim that it was still legal? 2. Could the intervention be if it is not lawful, then justified (legitimate)? 3. Was the armed action carried out in accordance with the rules of the law of armed conflict (did NATO commit war crimes?)? 4. What has NATO aggression brought (what are its consequences)?

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THE CASE CONCERNING LEGALITY OF USE OF FORCE BEFORE THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE - 20 YEARS AFTER THE NATO INTERVENTION IN YUGOSLAVIA

Author(s): Duško Dimitrijević / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia filed on 29 April 1999 Applications before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) against ten NATO member States: the United States of America, the United Kingdom of Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, Canada, Portugal and Spain. These Applications required the determination of the responsibility of these States for the wrongful acts committed during the armed intervention in connection with violations of the principle of the prohibition of the use of force against sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of States (crimes against peace), then violations of the rules and principles of war and humanitarian law (war crimes), and obligations established by the Genocide Convention (crimes against humanity and international law). In the following study, the legal arguments of the parties presented in the proceedings were analyzed. Also, the study provides an analysis of the legal bases offered for the establishment of the ICJ jurisdiction, as well as the decisions made by the ICJ on that occasion with which it declared the lack of its jurisdiction. However, irrespective of this fact and circumstances that it had not decided on the merits of the dispute, the ICJ did not exclude the responsibility of the NATO member States for violating the general international law. In that sense, its conclusion is consistent because it confirms the rule that the States have remained “in all cases responsible for acts attributable to them that violate the rights of other State”. Therefore, the re-examination of the case concerning legality of use of force before the ICJ twenty years after the armed attack on Yugoslavia is in line with the efforts of the Republic of Serbia (as the legal successor of the SFR Yugoslavia, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and State Union of Serbia and Montenegro) to resolve all outstanding issues from the past, which is a prerequisite for building a new and more peaceful world.

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FROM BELGRADE TO BENGHAZI: WASHINGTON’S DESCENT INTO PERPETUAL GLOBAL WAR, 1999-2019

Author(s): Gordon N. Bardos / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Since the Kosovo War in 1999, the United States has been at war for nineteen of the subsequent twenty years, a condition many scholars and commentators have called “permanent war” or “perpetual war.” Two historical moments contributed to the emergence of this condition; first, the end of the Cold War, and the resulting “end of history” triumphalism in many Western capitals, and second, the 9/11 attacks. Together, these developments have fostered the unprecedented growth of an immense infrastructure created for the purpose of carrying out perpetual global war, the primary examples of which have been the Kosovo Conflict in 1999, the invasion of Iraq in 2003, the attack on Libya in 2011, and the ever-increasing tensions with Russia over the past decade.

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NATO CRISIS MANAGEMENT CONCEPT: TWENTY YEARS AFTER THE BOMBING OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA

Author(s): Miroslav Glišić,Dejan Stojković,Ivona Lađevac / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

This paper examines NATO’s engagement during the bombing of the Federal Republic Yugoslavia and its impact on further development of crisis management defined by the Strategic Concept and other relevant documents. The authors have tried to provide the answers to the questions regarding the NATO’s procedures, effectiveness and efficiency during the operation MERCIFUL ANGEL (Operation Allied Force) and their implications for further development of the crisis management concept throughout adoption of the Strategic Concepts in 1999 and 2010 and relevant doctrines, as well as throughout building the Allied related capabilities. Planning, preparation and conducting all the NATO’s crisis management operations after 1999 were based on lessons learned from the operation MERCIFUL ANGEL and the previous NATO’s engagement in the former Yugoslavia. Taking the abovementioned into consideration, this paper seeks to find out how NATO’s military coercive activities in the former Yugoslavia, including aggression on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999, has affected its engagement in Afghanistan and Libya, as well as on the crisis management concept as a whole. The research methodology is based on four case studies (NATO interventions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Federal Republic Yugoslavia, Afghanistan and Libya) in order to scrutinize common trends in the crisis management operations conducted by the Alliance in these countries and its significance for further development of the crisis management concept.

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MEDIA WAR: “ARTILLERY SUPPORT” FOR NATO AGGRESSION ON THE FRY 1999

Author(s): Nenad Perić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This paper deals with a wide range of media and communication actions performed during the 1990s, directed against the Serbian nation. It analyses media matrix which was very perfidiously designed and implemented in order to blame one (Serbian) side for the breakup of the SFRY and ultimately for the conflict in Kosovo and Metohija, while other sides would be presented as victims. Such media activity culminated at the end of the decade, just before, during and after the bombing of the FRY. The situation was presented to the world public in an untrue and extremely malicious way in order to justify universal aggression on a sovereign country and its collapse. The paper also analyses the unpreparedness of the state and the system at that time for the media war, which can greatly and sometimes decisively affect the outcome or the initiation of military actions, and provides suggestions for the prevention of similar situations.

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PSYCHOLOGICAL OPERATION IN LOWINTENSITY CONFLICT – CASE STUDY KOSOVO AND METOHIJA

Author(s): Veljko Blagojevic / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This paper deals with western countries, led by the United States, psychological operations against Serbia’s political leadership and security and defense forces during the Kosovo crisis 1998-1999. Shortly after the end of war in Bosnia, the security situation in Kosovo and Metohija (K&M) escalated from the potential to a real and imminent threat to the national security of the SFRY. The Kosovo Albanians organized paramilitary formations the Kosovo Liberation Army – KLA (Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës or UÇK) on a territorial basis, and intensified attacks on Serbia’s security forces and institutions. The situation in the region became “ideal” for applying the US concept of Low-Intensity Conflict. The basic aim of this paper is to analyze key elements of the psychological operations of the Western allies against Serbia/FRY in conditions of low-intensity conflicts in K&M. First, the paper will analyze US/NATO doctrinal documents of Low-Intensity Conflict and Psychological Operation that were in power at that time, representing the focus of engaging all national resources, from (public) diplomacy and the media through economic and political sanctions to security and defense measures, aimed at changing the behavior of the subject of international relations to which it was applied. Then, the focus will shift on the implementation of those doctrines in the Kosovo crisis. The paper will be divided into two phases, the Kosovo Albanians rebel in 1998/99 and the Operation Allied Force in 1999. Twenty years’ distance from those events gives us a very good historical perspective for an objective political analysis of Serbian and Western leadership of that time, the outcomes of the crisis and repercussions on the key national interests of Serbia.

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MOLDOVA’S EXPERIENCE WITH NATO: AN EXAMPLE OF NEUTRALITY POLICY

Author(s): Valeriu Moşneaga,Tatiana Turco,George Mosneaga / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The following article is dedicated to the issue of interaction between the Republic of Moldova and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the context of the country’s status of permanent neutrality. The authors note that collaboration with NATO is one of the most important strategies in Moldova’s external policy. Moldova’s participation in the “Partnership for Peace” program and its adoption of the Individual Plan of Action “The Republic of Moldova - NATO” provide the framework that contributes to indepth multi-level collaboration and the fostering of national and regional security. The neutrality of Moldova was enshrined in the country’s Constitution of 1994. However, the international procedures for the recognition of the state’s neutral status have not been realized. According to the authors, the status of neutrality does not prevent collaboration with NATO, primarily in non-warfare related fields - science, ecology, combating natural cataclysms, terrorism, etc. The authors conclude that in general, the country’s permanent status of neutrality and the multitude of NATO’s resources (economic, financial, etc.) are beneficial for maintaining its national security, by creating political and economic conditions for solving Moldova’s internal problems, as well as contributing to the fostering of peace and stability in the region.

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PROBLEM OF FOREIGN FIGHTERS AS A CHALLENGE TO SECURITY IN SERBIA

Author(s): Suzana Bošković,Vladimir Koturović,Jovana Poznan / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This policy proposal discusses the treatment of Serbian citizens who are returnees from foreign wars, primarily in Syria and Ukraine. We will discuss potential problems that may arise upon their return home. We will present how other countries have tackled the same problem, and propose several solutions that could mitigate the potential harmful consequences relating to returnees. The paper will focus on the legal aspect of this situation, i.e. on the criminal prosecution of foreign fighters as one of the solutions. Furthermore, we will propose solutions that involve the reintegration of foreign fighters into society, as a means of deterring their return to battlefields and preventing indoctrination and recruitment of new recruits to fight abroad. Our primary message is that returnees from different battlegrounds worldwide must receive a just and civilised treatment by their home state (in this case, Serbia). Furthermore, we must not treat returnees as statistics that can only be addressed by mere changes of the Criminal Code. This problem requires a comprehensive approach and a joint response of a wider circle of government authorities and non-government actors (legislative, executive and judicial authorities, social institutions, non-governmental organisations…). Another key message of this policy proposal is the importance of prevention. It is vital that all the players above are involved in preventing the return of foreign fighters back to the battlefield, and also in preventing recruitment of new fighters for wars in foreign countries or potential terrorist attacks.

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The Common EU Security and Defence Policy – a unique framework for cooperation in the field of security

Author(s): Srđan Gligorijević / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Without a doubt the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union represents a unique framework for security and defence cooperation, since it is based on a unique strategic culture, an amalgam that consists of European members of NATO, then of former Warsaw Pact members, and finally former non-aligned countries and current neutral countries. The Republic of Ireland, was the first neutral states to join the then EEC in 1973. Twenty one years later, the EU was joined by 3 other European neutral states Austria, Sweden and Finland. Two states that had belonged to the Non-Aligned Movement, Malta and Cyprus, joined the EU during the so-called “big bang” of the EU enlargement in 2004, while many authors consider that Slovenia, as a of the former part of Yugoslavia, can be also regarded as a non-aligned country.

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Neutrality vs. Collective Security – Economic Dimension – A View from Croatia

Author(s): Sandro Knezović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Dilemmas about appropriate frameworks for national security of Croatia were part of a very important debate from the early 90s, for obvious reasons. In general, when one speaks about the collective security in Croatia, he/she speaks about NATO membership. The accession to NATO was definitely one of two main foreign policy goals of Croatia in past 20 years. With very complicated recent history and security environment, it was the issue that caused very important debates between the proponents of the opposed opinions. The question that was on the table was how is it possible for the small state with very limited strategic and economic capacities to insure the long lasting security and capability to find its place within international arena in a globalized world. There were two options – either to join the existing framework of collective security which is NATO, or to do something else. A very important issue in these debates was identity, due to strong feeling of belonging to the West, especially in the early and late 1990s. Neutrality as such was never a part of serious debate in Croatia, given the fact that there was certain amount of awareness that it requires certain capacities from the country in order to be able to claim neutrality. Also, the debates were conducted in, I would dare to say, very inappropriate way, since participants who were against the accession to NATO, were not offering any alternatives, while those who favoured joining NATO were not providing enough reliable evidence or information. Obviously, there was a significant lack of reliable sources of information and there was a need for a thoroughly research on the subject.

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