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The aim of the article is to open up a discussion of Justin Quinn’s book Between Two Fires: Transnationalism and Cold War Poetry. The monograph focuses on transnational movements of poetry between Czech culture and the Anglophone world during the Cold War. The book allows us to reconsider the way in which we study similar transfers of Polish literature and the categories and models we use to describe them, which usually stem from translation studies, studies of reception of Polish literature abroad, and recent debates on world literature.
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We are flattered that EEPS attaches sufficient importance to our edited volume, Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies, to commission an eight-thousand-word review—which is even longer than some of the journal’s full-length articles! Hence our amazement that EEPS would entrust a very junior scholar (PhD, Yale University, 2008) with such a task. Evidently the reviewer has friends in high places or, perhaps, there are scholars in high places who are counting on the reviewer to serve their agenda. Indeed, responding to his criticisms, several of our research team leaders echoed our own view that Dr. Glaurdić’s opus represents the views and encyclopedic knowledge of more than a single, junior scholar. [...]
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It may seem odd, but my first reaction to the response by professors Ingrao and Emmert was deep gratitude—gratitude for probably the greatest professional compliment I have ever received. Ingrao and Emmert seem to find it difficult to believe that “the views and encyclopedic knowledge” expressed in my review essay could be truly and only the work of a “single, junior scholar.” I have decided to take those comments of the two senior scholars as compliments, even though they are obviously ad hominem attacks on my personal and academic integrity. After studying Balkan politics for so long, Ingrao and Emmert can be excused for refusing to believe that young men from that region can think independently.
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Can an entire nation be collectively guilty for crimes committed in its name? Focusing on the case of Serbia, this article argues that collective guilt is a morally flawed and untenable concept that should be rejected. It presents various moral and practical objections to both the generic notion of collective guilt and the more specific idea of Serbian collective guilt and contends that the latter is a fundamental impediment to peace-building and reconciliation in the former Yugoslavia. On what basis might it be argued that the Serbs are collectively guilty? To claim that they are collectively guilty for having supported Milošević both exaggerates levels of support for the former Serbian leader and does a major injustice to those individuals who bravely fought against the Milošević regime. Drawing on the work of Hannah Arendt and Karl Jaspers, the article concludes by suggesting that perhaps we can speak of Serbian collective responsibility.
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Robert M. Hayden has written a very strange book review. In my book, Thinking about Yugoslavia, I discuss 131 books, among other things noting differences in factual accounts, interpretations, and moral and empirical frameworks. In his review of my book, Professor Hayden refers to only 7 of the books I discuss and relies on outright falsifications of my views to advance his argument. In fact, nowhere in his review does he demonstrate that any of the works I praise in my book do in fact “violate the principles of social science inquiry,” as he alleges. [...]
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I would only point out that while Sabrina P. Ramet devotes much of her response to an attack on one of my books, I purposefully avoided dealing in my review with her comments on my own work, on the principle that a review should not be so personalized. I felt very qualified, however, to assess her reviews of others in a field of research to which I have been contributing for more than fifteen years. [...]
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Radovan Karadzic is a notorious war criminal, wanted by the International Court in the Hague. But he is also a psychiatrist and a poet. The world often wonders how it is possible that a poet could turn into a war criminal. This is somehow understandable for a psychiatrist, as it is for a baker, a doctor or a carpenter-but a poet? Edward Limonov is less known than Karadzic, but he also became notorious when he machine-gunned Sarajevo from the hill above the city and drew the attention of the world media. Needless to say, he is also a poet. [...]
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Using relevant literature and diplomatic sources, the author reflects on the plans and activities of the international community to end the war in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from the Washington to the Dayton Peace Agreement. Special consideration is devoted to those events that had influenced the shift in US policy and caused its more active engagement. The analysis of international diplomacy and attitudes of various countries towards the developments in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointed to the complexity of achieving a peace agreement for which the US had to try out various strategies and seek different solutions. The author pays particular attention to events that had paved the way for a peace agreement, as well as the military and political means that played a key role in achieving peace. Based on the analysis of the provisions and subsequent implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement, the author believes that the agreement had ended the war, but did not allow the establishment of a functional state because the ideologies that had caused the war continued to live and deepen the divisions in the society of Bosnia and Herzegovina through propaganda and rhetoric. He believes that re-enabling of normal life in the country requires the removal of these structures and the consequences that they have produced and continue to produce, which is why Bosnia and Herzegovina is still waiting for support for its European path. He claims that this could only work if the democratic settings were to be imposed by the international community, since the project of building the institutions was left unfinished. If the international community consistently supports this, the author believes that the path of accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the modern European societies will be much shorter and much faster.
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The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY / ICTY) has indicted Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić and Berislav Pušić. Indictees are charged with individual criminal responsibility (Article 7 (1) of the Statute) and criminal responsibility of a superior (Article 7 (3) of the Statute) for crimes against humanity: persecution on political, racial and religious grounds; killing; rape; deportation; inhumane acts; inhumane acts (forcible transfer); inhumane acts (conditions of detention); imprisonment, violations of the laws or customs of war: cruel treatment; cruel treatment (conditions of detention); illegal physical labor; reckless destruction of towns, settlements or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity; destruction or willful damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education; looting of public and private property; unlawful attack on civilians (Mostar); unlawful terrorism of civilians (Mostar); cruel treatment (siege of Mostar), violations of the Geneva Conventions: willful deprivation of life; inhuman treatment (sexual abuse); unlawful deportation of civilians; illegal transfer of civilians; unlawful detention of civilians; inhuman treatment; inhuman treatment (conditions of detention); destruction of large-scale property that is not justified by military necessity, and was carried out illegally and recklessly; confiscation of property that is not justified by military necessity, and was performed illegally and ruthlessly. The trial began on April 26, 2006.The Trial Chamber's judgment of 29 May 2013 concluded that the conflict between the Croatian Army / Croatian Defense Council (HV / HVO) and the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH) was of an international character. The factual evidence unequivocally showed that HV forces fought together with HVO members against ARBiH, and that the Republic of Croatia exercised general control over the armed forces and civilian authorities of the Croatian Community/Croatian Republic (HZ/HR) of Herceg-Bosna. The Council also found that there was a joint criminal enterprise (JCE) with the ultimate goal of establishing a Croatian entity, partly within the 1939 Croatian Banovina, to enable the unification of the Croatian people. The ultimate goal was the annexation of this area to the territory of the Republic of Croatia in case of disintegration of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (which corresponded to great state claims), or alternatively to make this area an independent state within Bosnia and Herzegovina, closely connected with Croatia. As early as December 1991, members of the HZ Herceg-Bosna leadership (including Mate Boban, president of HZ/HR Herceg-Bosna) and Croatian leaders (including Franjo Tuđman, president of Croatia) assessed that in order to achieve the ultimate goal of establishing a Croatian entity it is necessary to change the national composition of the population in the areas that were calculated to be part of it. JCE participants knew that achieving this goal means removing the Bosniak population from the area of the so-called Herceg-Bosna and that it is in contradiction with the peace negotiations that were held in Geneva. Numerous crimes committed from January 1993 to April 1994 indicate an obvious pattern of behavior where the commission of a crime was the outcome of a plan prepared by JCE participants. The Trial Chamber found that all persons covered by the Indictment made a significant contribution to the implementation of the JCE and that their contribution indicated that they had the intent to pursue a common criminal purpose.Following consideration of the Appeals filed by the Prosecution and the Defense of the Convicts, the ICTY Appeals Chamber issued a final Judgment on 29 November 2017 against Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić and Berislav Pušić, declaring them liable for the joint criminal enterprise in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This appellate judgment upheld the convictions handed down by the ICTY Trial Chamber in May 2013. In addition to participating in a joint criminal enterprise, the Appeals Chamber upheld responsibility for killings, persecution on political, racial and religious grounds, deportations, unlawful detention of civilians, forced labor, inhumane acts, inhumane treatment, unlawful and wanton destruction of large-scale property not justified by military necessity, destruction or willful damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education, unlawful attacks on civilians and unlawful terrorism of civilians, and individually for rape and sexual abuse. The verdict confirmed that the participants from Croatia in the joint criminal enterprise were Franjo Tudman, Janko Bobetko and Gojko Šušak. From the presented evidence it was concluded that the leaders of HZ/RHB, including Mato Boban, and the leaders of the Republic of Croatia, including Franjo Tudjman, in December 1991 assessed that the long-term political goal was to achieve the unification of the Croatian people entities, within the borders of the Banovina of Croatia from 1939, it is necessary to carry out “ethnic cleansing” in the territories that were claimed to belong to the HZ/RHB. Evidence confirms that a joint criminal enterprise has been established to achieve the political goal. In this context, it was established that Franjo Tudjman advocated the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina between Croatia and Serbia by annexing part of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia or, if this was not possible, by establishing an autonomous Croatian territory that would be closely connected with Croatia. Prlić, Stojić, Praljak, Petković, Ćorić, and Pušić were convicted of crimes against humanity, violations of the laws or customs of war and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, specifically murder, willful deprivation of life, persecution on political, racial and religious grounds, deportation, unlawful detention of civilians, forced labor, inhumane acts, inhuman treatment, unlawful and wanton destruction of large-scale property not justified by military necessity, looting and confiscation of public and private property under the third category of liability for participation in JCE destruction or intentional infliction damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education, unlawful attacks on civilians and unlawful terrorism of civilians. In addition, Prlić, Stojić, Petković and Ćorić were convicted of rape and inhuman treatment (sexual abuse). Ćorić was additionally convicted for several crimes for which he is responsible as a superior.
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This paper explores and analyzes the most important anthropogeographic characteristics of the development of the municipality of Srebrenica until the mid-1990s, especially changes in the economic and educational structure of the municipal population. Particular attention was paid to the territorial distribution, that is, the representation of certain Bosniak families in the settlements of the municipality, as well as the number of households and the total number of persons per family. In addition, the basic demographic losses of Bosniak families in the Srebrenica municipality during the aggression against the independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1992-1995, are presented, as well as the massacres of Bosniak men after the occupation of the so-called UN Srebrenica Safe Zone, July 1995. Data on the number of widows and orphaned children as a result of the mass killing of Bosniak men during aggression and genocide were analyzed and presented by families.
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„Central Europe“ and the „The Balkans“ are figurative concepts that entail a large amount of metaphors. Unlike „Central Europe“, a large number of negative mataphors are related to „The Balkans“. An important reason for this are the ethnic conflicts at the beginning and end of the 20th century. The term „Central Europe“, which has been consolidated only since the 1980s, is not burdened in a similar way, although the forced national homogenization, after the Second World War, was carried out in this area as well. The term was further consolidated thanks to the existence of the Visegrad Group, formed in 1992, through which the political unity of Poland, The Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia was strengthened. The Visegrad Group has been supporting the entry of the Western Balkan countries into the EU since 2004, and since then the dependent relationship between „The Western Balkans“ and „Central Europe“ has been developing.
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Based on archival analysis our paper presents the research which, for the first time, examines the role of opium in some of the nation-states emerged from the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire — Bulgaria, Turkey and Serbia (later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia); tracing the period before World War II. During the interwar period 43% of the opium on the international market came from the contested Macedonian region that was split between Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Greece after World War I. Following the Yugoslavian-Turkish agreement this percentage increased to 80%, while the Balkans became part of the notorious French connection. By using the methods of Histoire croisée, our report attempts to show the interrelations within the Balkan states in relation to opium politics, the porous new national borders, ethic collaboration and rivalry in the (il)legal opium trade business.
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The paper presents the report of members of the Sanitary Commission of the American Red Cross about the situation in Serbia and Macedonia in December 1915, prepared on the request of Lewis Einstein, chargé d’affaires of the American Embassy in Sofia. The members of the American mission pointed to a potential humanitarian disaster following the Bulgarian occupation and the need to implement urgent humanitarian measures in the occupied areas. The report is kept in the National Archives in Washington, as an annex to the letter sent to State Secretary Robert Lansing. Its importance is reflected in the fact that it sheds light on the circumstances in which the civilian population found themselves in the territory occupied by the Bulgarian army. However, the American doctors’ reports are perhaps all the more important as they significantly influenced further activities of the American Red Cross in war-torn Europe, particularly in Serbia during the First World War.
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The poem of Kosta Vojinović Kosovac is published and analysed in the paper. Based on excerpts from the diary of Chetnik Duke Kosta Vojinović Kosovac, the time and conditions in which the poem was created and the author’s personality are presented.
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This paper discusses the presence of genocide and the persistent threat and possibility of its new eruption in Bosnia. Statements about this, not only in public policies, are dangerous but their more or less subtle involvement in educational programs guarantees the mentioned possibility of a new eruption in the future. Bosniaks are usually advised with bad intentions to look a head and not inwards as a kind of sleeping pill, i.e. anesthesia before amputation.The paper discusses what to do with Serbian ethno-religious nationalism in this context? What kind of ideology is that? What is the Serbian identity like after 1995? How are the contrasts between “us” and “them”painted, and what should be the response of Bosniaks to such challenges?What to do next and how to move on?
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Review of: Monika Palmberger, How Generations Remember: Conflicting Histories and Shared Memories in Post-War Bosnia and Herzegovina, London: The Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.
More...JADRANKO PRLIĆ I DRUGI (BRUNO STOJIĆ, SLOBODAN PRALJAK, MILIVOJ PETKOVIĆ, VALENTIN ĆORIĆ I BERISLAV PUŠIĆ)
The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) issued a final Judgment against Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Slobodan Praljak, ilivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić and Berislav Pušić, who declared responsible for the joint criminal enterprise (JCE) in Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Second Instance Verdict affirmed the convictions issued by the ICTY Trial Chamber in May 2013. In addition to participating in a joint criminal enterprise, the Appeals Chamber confirmed the responsibility for the commission of murder, persecution on political, racial and religious grounds, deportations, unlawful detention of civilians, forced labor, inhumane acts, inhuman treatment, unlawful and negligent destruction of large-scale property not justified by military necessity, destruction or intimidation of the intended institutions religion or education, unlawful attacks on civilians and unlawful terrorism of civilians, and individual rape and sexual assault.
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The paper is a view of the social environment in which there is a long-lasting lack of consensus on the condemnation of war crimes during the 1990s in the former state, stemming from Serbia's nationalist plans. By the judgments of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to the political and military leaders of the Serbian people in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, the ideological context of the wars in the region has been revealed, which is why the resistance of Serbian political and intellectual elites to accept the truth about the consequences of the nationalist project, is still strong today. The paper touches the role of social elites in promoting and nurturing the nationalist course of society, through the pervasive propaganda and the construction of "crime pendants" against the Serbian people. The author understands the absence of social catharsis after the collapse of Serbia's war goals, as a consequence of a deeply rooted ideological program that is not itself complete after the wars. In this sense, it points to the strength of nationalist ideology that has accumulated energy even for the physical elimination of the leaders of the construction of a new morality of Serbian society after 2000, which would rest on facing the consequences of nationalist actions of the Serbian people.
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Review of: Borković, Nikola. (2019). Šta su skrivile? Stradanje beba u Kliničko-bolničkom centru Banja Luka, u maju i junu 1992. Banja Luka: Centar za istraživanje rata ratnih zločina i traženje nestalih lica. str. 344
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