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Vojni sud u Bjelovaru 1992. - 1996.

Author(s): Željko Pleskalt / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 8/2014

This paper presents the operation, organisation, as well as venue and criminal jurisdiction, of the Court-Martial in Bjelovar in the period 1992–1996, after which it was abolished, on the basis of the court archival material that is in safekeeping at the State Archives in Bjelovar and the then valid regulations and ordinances. Courts-Martial were relatively briefly a part of the judicial system of the Republic of Croatia during the period of its gaining independence and liberation. Despite many difficulties, their operation contributed efficiently to the functioning and protection of the rule of law.

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Procesi pomirenja / rodni i feministički ekskursi

Author(s): Zlatiborka Popov-Momčinović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 03+04/2017

Reconciliation as a process that demands constant reflection on various dichotomies such as public / private, peace / war, we / they, requires a broader perspective beyond the so-called great signifier, in our context ethnically centered. Given the exposure of women to structural forms of violence both in war and in the post-war period as well as in the periods beyond this dyad, gender and feminist discourses broaden horizons and provide demystification of various concepts, phenomena and processes. Activists’ experiences and feminist articulations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the region point to the complexity of these processes, claiming for universality in differentiated way.

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Recenzija: Osvobodilna vojna v Jugoslaviji

Author(s): France Škerl / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1-2/1970

The review of: Vlado Strugar, Osvobodilna vojna v Jugoslaviji. Ljubljana 1967. Izd. »Borec«. Strani 345. (Samega besedila 258!)

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Remembering the “Embargo Cake”: The Legacy of Hyperinflation and the UN Sanctions in Serbia

Author(s): Ivana Bajić Hajduković / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2014

The extensive pauperisation of the population in Serbia in the early 1990s,caused by the economic crisis and the UN sanctions, had a tremendous impact on the people’s everyday diet. Many basic, locally produced foods became unavailable as food retailers severely limited their stock to save it from depreciation caused by hyperinflation. Following the introduction of the UN embargo, official trade came to a halt and imported foods disappeared from shops. Limited stock of basic foods, such as flour, sugar, cooking oil, white bread and milk, was supplied through state-owned food retailers,but these were rationed and difficult to obtain. However, food scarcity in early-1990s Serbia boosted the population’s resourcefulness and creativity on various levels, resulting in increased solidarity, support networks,barter, smuggling and a return to cooking recipes from the period of the Second World War. Survival during hyperinflation and the UN embargo was predicated on transmission of knowledge from the preindustrial period, suggesting that this was possible mainly because of the simultaneous coexistence of the pre-industrial and industrial periods in Yugoslavia. This article will analyse strategies and key actors in the process of sourcing, procuring and preparing food under these socio-economic circumstances.

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A positive hero for everyone? The memorialization of Srđan Aleksić in post-Yugoslav countries

Author(s): Nicolas Moll / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2016

Despite various attempts, the memory of persons who helped and rescued endangered persons “from the other side” during the breakup wars of Yugoslavia is rarely publicly acknowledged. There is, nevertheless, one exception: the case of Srđan Aleksić, a young Bosnian Serb who was killed while saving a Muslim acquaintance in Trebinje in January 1993. Since2007, Srđan Aleksić has not only become publicly known, but his memory is also widely positively connoted in different countries and by groups ofvarious political and ethnic backgrounds in the post-Yugoslav space. This article analyzes the emergence of this memory and the narratives around it, how fragile or strong the consensus which has emerged around his memory is, and what this memorialization indicates about the current memory culture in post-Yugoslav countries and its evolutions.

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MISIJA PORODICE BAJLONI 1941.

Author(s): Milan Terzić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2000

The wealth and connections of the Bajlonis enabled this distinguished family of Belgrade society to leave the country ravaged by war in 1941. The fact that they carried a message from Draža Mihailović, intended as the connecting link between his political organization in the country and the Yugoslav government in exile, turned this family’s search for a sanctuary into a political mission. Their stay abroad was marked by attempts to contact the organization in occupied Yugoslavia. Subsequently various accusations surfaced against Gordana Bajloni for alleged ties with the Germans. These accusations were later moderated but did not entirely disperse the apprehension they had initially aroused. Following the end of the war, the Bajloni family remained abroad.

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LOGORI ZA IZOLACIJU POLITIČKIH PROTIVNIKA NA TLU JUGOSLAVIJE 1918-2000

Author(s): Goran Miloradović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2000

This article deals with the interpretation of Yugoslav history (1918-1992) through the analysis of a specific historical phenomenon: mass isolation of political opponents (real or assumed). Ten theses are offered as criteria for defining this phenomenon, followed by a classification in three levels, according to the makeup and treatment of those who were confined. Thus a theoretical model is set, with which local cases can be compared, specifically those manifested in the course of Yugoslavia’s history. In the 81 year long history of this state, mass isolation of political opponents existed for a total of 23 years, regardless of the type of regime currently in power. Confinement camps for political opponents existed in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (Yugoslavia), during the country’s occupation in the Second World War, in the course of establishing the communist regime, and during the country’s subsequent dissolution. Growth in the number of confinement camps coincided with the most important events of the 20th century: the world wars and the end of the cold war. It seems logical to conclude that factors of foreign policy and their influence on social and political circumstances in Yugoslavia stand in close relation to this phenomenon. It has been determined that the practice of setting up political confinement camps in Yugoslavia was a continuation of the Habsburg monarchy’s treatment of its Slavic and Romantic subjects, to the point that several specific solutions were directly taken over from that model. In Yugoslavia the camps were often one of the instruments used in settling ethnic questions, despite the occasional attempts to mask this basic purpose behind ideological justifications. Such camps can be considered a factor of continuity between the disintegrated monarchy and the state which inherited those of its territories inhabited mostly by the South Slavs.

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RAT U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI 1991-1992. - PREGLED AKTIVNOSTI ZARAĆENIH STRANA

Author(s): Bojan B. Dimitrijević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2000

The author reviews events preceding the outbreak of war in 1992 in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The sequence of events is shown through the activities of the Croat, Muslim, and Serb side and of the army in the period from June 1991 to June 1992. The Croat side is shown definitely to have preceded the others in the military penetration of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1991 and 1992. The formation of the Muslim armed movement in coordination with the authorities in Sarajevo is described the preparations of the Serb side through the activities of the Serb Democratic Party, and the ambiguous role of the Yugoslav People’s Army in the first phase of the conflict in 1992. The armed conflicts in April and May 1992 are treated in a separate chapter, as are the war crimes committed by the warring sides in the course of the conflict.

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PROCENA RATNE ŠTETE NA KOSOVU I METOHIJI

Author(s): Nenad Antonijević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2000

Problematika ratne štete koju je jugoslovenskoj državi naneo okupator u toku Drugog svetskog rata dugi niz godina nije bila predmet interesovanja domaće istoriografije. Ovo pitanje je pokrenuto tek sredinom šezdesetih godina u Institutu za savremenu istoriju, a do sada su objavljene tri monografije dr Nikole Zivkovida, koje su rezultat dugogodišnjeg istraživanja jugoslovenskih i stranih arhivskih izvora različite provenijencije.

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JUGOSLOVENSKA NARODNA ARMIJA U TRŠĆANSKOJ KRIZI 1953. GODINE

Author(s): Bojan B. Dimitrijević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1998

The text provides a survey of Yugoslav military actions on the border with Italy, between September and December 1953, the time when the crisis arising around the Free Territory of Trieste had reached its peak. The Yugoslav Army’s extensive maneuver, which incidentally took place during the first phase of the Yugoslav-Italian dispute, put the Yugoslav forces stationed in the west of the country to a great test. Particular emphasis is placed on the deployment of Yugoslav forces into combat positions beginning with 8 October 1953, and the specific role and numerous operations accomplished by the Yugoslav Air Force and Navy. A detailed description is also given of the various problems facing the Yugoslav Army in these dramatic events. The Trieste crisis in the autumn of 1953 presented the most serious trial the Yugoslav People’s Army had experienced after 1948 and before the recent war in the 1990’s.

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SRBIJA U NACIONALNOJ POLITICI KPJ NA KRAJU RATA

Author(s): Momčilo Pavlović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1997

The national policy of KPJ was based on its prewar concepts of Yugoslavia as an artificial creation, which must be broken up in order to free its various ethnic groups from Serbian oppression and hegemony. In the altered circumstances of war, these theories acquired some institutional forms but at the end of the war and in the period to follow, KPJ would definitely reorganized Yugoslavia according to the revolutionary premises it had defined long before. The outcome of this policy was that only Serbia was given a federal structure, which included a province and an autonomous region, later also to become a province. This was not done in any of the other Yugoslav federal units despite the fact that in several of them similar historical and other conditions would have justified the formation of provinces and autonomous regions. Furthermore, a great deal was made, in Serbia, of the issue of minorities and their recognition, regardless of the open animosity towards Yugoslavia, and Serbia especially, demonstrated by the minority groups during the war. Ironically, the results of colonization (both planned and otherwise) conducted by the fascists in Kosovo, Macedonia and Slavonia, were not annulled, while those of the agrarian reform and colonization carried out in prewar Yugoslavia in the regions of Macedonia and Kosovo were. The borders between the federal units were drawn subjects to much improvisation, without definite or uniform criteria and were qualified as being administrative and temporary. It is also true that country was governed by a strictly centralized system. Still, Yugoslavia was reorganized into a controversial federation with some elements of a confederation and there is no doubt that its federal units were in fact viewed as states of some sort, especially at the time the country’s first constitution was drawn up.

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PRILOG PROUČAVANJU POLOŽAJA FOLKSDOJČERA U JUGOSLAVIJI 1944-1948.

Author(s): Zoran Janjetović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1996

The ostracism and dispossession of the Germans in Vojvodina as a result of their comportment during the Second World War, was recorded in scarce, anti-German terms by three major Serbian papers »Politika«, »Borba« and »Slobodna Vojvodina«. The Volksdeutschers were most frequently mentioned in the press towards the end of 1944, when their rights and property were taken away. The newspapers’ assignment was to justify the authorities’ measures against them and to depict the entire national minority as criminals. After this period news about Germans were sporadic and scarce but were still marked by an anti-German note. The most important event in the life of the Germans of Vojvodina in the period between 1945 and 1948, their release from prisons in which they had been kept, was never mentioned in the press.

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GERILSKI RAT U PLANOVIMA VOJSKE KRALJEVINE JUGOSLAVIJE 1938-1941. GODINE

Author(s): Dragan Tešić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1995

The Army of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia began hasty preparations for the event of war after the annexation of Austria in 1938. A part of these preparations included war plans, some of which, such as plan »S«, contained instructions about conducting guerilla warfare behind enemy lines, a form of warfare deeply rooted in the Serbian war tradition. The formation of special chetnik (guerilla, storm) troops was planned, 'thus ignoring the existing chetnik associations which had formerly been used for this purpose. In accordance with war plan »S«, made during the time the chief of Army Headquarters was Army General Dušan Simović, the Chetnik Command and six chetnik battalions were formed in April 1940. They consisted of specially selected officers and voluntary soldiers and were headed by Division General Mihailo Mihailović. The Headquarters’ intention was that these battalions should serve as a basis for guerilla warfare which was to be carried out behind enemy lines simultaneously with regular army operations. However, these troops did not fulfill their purpose during the short April War and, together with the rest of the Army of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, they capitulated on 18 April in 1941.

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REČ PRILIKOM PROMOCIJE MONOGRAFIJE MILANA KOLJANINA »NEMAČKI LOGOR NA BEOGRADSKOM SAJMIŠTU 1941 - 1945«

Author(s): Branko Petranović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1992

Koljanin je uspeo da celovito rekonstruiše Logor Sajmište od osnivanja do zatvaranja, logorski režim i život zatočenika; da predstavi sve njihove muke i stradanja, da prikaže žrtve i dželate. Na jednom fragmentu nacističke tiranije demonstrirao je prirodu »novog poretka«. Pojava u malom otkriva sva obeležja nacističke doktrine i njene primene. Šta bolje о tom sistemu može da govori od krvave računice čiji je bilans izražen u brojkama, zastrašujući: u logor je dovedeno 31.972 zatočenika, život je izgubilo 10.636, ili svaki treći. Krvava meljava nacističkih ubica odnosila je 13 života svakog dana. Od tih činjenica ledi se krvu žilama. A takvih je logora bilo - podseća nas Koljanin - od 500 do 800 u Nemačkoj i okupiranim zemljama. Po otuđenosti, nakaznosti, infernalnosti naredbodavaca i izvršilaca stravična zaostravština nacizma konsternira ljude i posle pola veka. Zar je to moguće, može se zapitati tek usamljeni i nepopravljivi čovekoljubac? Nisu li ti m učitelji iz Lombrozove galerije rođenih zlikovaca? Ne. lako je takvih nastranih pojedinaca moralo biti i bilo u svim vremenima velikih meteža, ipak su u pitanju zločinci koje je stvorio sistem nacizma, njegova ustaška i druge varijante. Po generalu Gleze fon Horstenau, ustaški zločinci su nadmašivali nemačke naciste. Hitlerov general, nacional-socijalist, grozio se od kriminalnog ubice kakav je bio Eugen - Dido Kvaternik. Često su navođene reči ovog Bečlije: »Kakva li je to država koja proždire trećinu svog stanovništva«? Užasavanje nije svakako izraz Glezovog srbofilskog kompleksa, već neslaganje sa ustaškim načinom. Nije li sam firer podsticao poglavnika na nacionalno »čišćenje« NDH, jer za 50 godina može biti kasno?

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VOJSKA KRALJEVINE JUGOSAVIJE UOČI APRILSKOG RATA

Author(s): Dragan Tešić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1991

Pripreme za eventualni rat, u prvom redu protiv susednih država, Kraljevina Jugoslavija je bila prinuđena da otpočne intenzivnijim tempom posle anšlusa Austrije marta 1938. godine. Mere za odbranu zemlje su više pojačane od marta i apriia 1939, godine, odnosno od nemačke okupacije Čehoslovačke i italijanske okupacije Albanije. Tada je, shodno odredbama Zakona о ustrojstvu vojske i mornarice, zavedeno tzv. »pripravno stanje« u zemlji, koje je na snazi ostalo sve do aprilskog rata 1941, godine.

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USTANAK U JUGOSLAVIJI 1941. GODINE

Author(s): Venceslav Glišić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1991

Istorija nije jednom za svagda napisana, nego se njena tumačenja menjaju, ne samo sa stanovišta otkrivanja novih činjenica i njihovog kritičkog preispitivanja, nego zavise i od civilizacijske tačke sa koje se posmatraju te činjenice. Živimo u vreme kad je Partija koja je pokrenula i organizovala ustanak 1941. nestala sa istorijske scene, potrošivši pre toga politički i moralni kapital, koji je stekla u toku NOR-a i revolucije, a tekovine revolucije о kojima smo toliko pričali kao о večnim kategorijama, istopile su se na užarenom tlu međunacionalnih sukoba.

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LOGOR NA BEOGRADSKOM SAJMIŠTU U NEMAČKOM REPRESIVNOM SISTEMU U SRBIJI 1941. GODINE

Author(s): Milan Koljanin / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1991

I pored toga što mesto okupiranog područja Srbije u »novom evropskom poretku« za sve vreme okupacije nije bilo jasno definisano, osnovni ciljevi nemačke uprave mogu da se identifikuju. Nesmetana eksploatacija materijalnih i ljudskih potencijala, kao i održavanje mira u Srbiji ostvarivani su različitim, najčešće bezobzirnim i besprimerno surovim metodama prema svim stvarnim ili potencijalnim vojnim ili političkim protivnicima. Teror okupatora u Srbiji sprovodio se u oba svoja vida, i kao način vladanja i kao genocidni teror. Potpunom uništenju, kao i u drugim okupiranim zemljam a, bili su izloženi Jevreji, a delimično i Romi. Međutim, genocid je bio usmeren i na srpsko stanovništvo о čemu svedoče ne samo masovni zločini, nego i delom ostvareni planovi о interniranju i preseljiavanju celokupnog stanovništva sa ustaničkih područja.

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SPORAZUM U MUKI AVGUSTA 1943. GODINE

Author(s): Petar Kačavenda / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1991

Okupacijom Jugoslavije 1941, cepanjem i pripajanjem njenih teritorija susednim zemljam a, počeo je za albansku iredentu, odnosno za buržoasko nacionalističke i šovinističke elemente, novi period. Ona je odmah razvila široku i intenzivnu delatnost, s uverenjem da je došlo vreme i da su stvoreni uslovi za ostvarenje njenog programa. Okupacija i podela Kosova i Metohije učinjena je tako da su granice između nemačke i italijanske zone povučene prema ekonomskom interesu jačeg osovinskog partnera- Trećeg Rajha. Rudnik Trepča sa svim uređajim a pripao je nemačkoj upravi, a deo Kosova i Metohije prema albanskoj granici predat je Italiji. Nominalno albanska, a u stvari italijanska okupaciona teritorija, presekla je balkansku magistralu sever - jug i izbila do Vranja, obuhvatojući i zapadni deo Makedonije.

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INDUSTRIJA SRBIJE I NJENE PERSPEKTIVE - ELABORAT MINISTARSTVA NARODNE PRIVREDE SRPSKE VLADE О STANJU INDUSTRIJE U SRBIJI 1942. GODINE

Author(s): Dragan Aleksić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1990

Istraživanje pojedinačnih problema iz istorije drugog svetskog rata u Jugoslaviji prisutno je u našoj naučnoj istoriografiji više od tri decenije. Težište interesovanja istoričara bilo je pri tome na vojnim i političkim pitanjima - oslobodilačkom ratu, revoluciii, kontrarevoluciji. Mada od velike važnosti, ekonomska problematika nije posebno obrađivana. Mesto joj je davano uglavnom u radovima većeg obima, a u kontekstu drugih područja istraživanja.

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О NEMAČKO - ITALIJANSKIM ODNOSIMA U OKUPIRANOJ JUGOSLAVIJI 1943. GODINE

Author(s): Slobodan D. Milošević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1987

Axis Powers have been with drawing in front of the Red Army on the Eastern front. In order to provide for military background Germany played more attention to war operations in Yugoslavia. On the other hand, those operations on Yugoslav territory that were conducted by Italy were slowed down, either intentionally or for lack of armament. This, in a wax, represented Italy’s revenge for Germany’s economic superiority. Slowing down of war operations provoked distrust and even more energetic bearing of Germany in relations with Italy as well as in fighting the National Liberation Movement in Yugoslavia. Italy kept insisting on mutual respect of demarcation line in Yugoslavia, drawn in 1941. Germany hold on to this agreement until 1943. when its troops advanced in so called Fifth Enemy offensive in May and June. The study provides a schedule of both sides as well as the multitude of their forces (129 000 against 18 000 men) in favor of Germany whose undertaking -fumed out to be a failure. German troops were now retreating the same way they had come - without acknowledging in to Italy which was soon to be in danger of being occupied by the Allies embarking in southern Italy. Another problem also came between the Axis partners-the chetniks’ operations against N.L.M. supported by Italy. Germany was determinately against using their troops in confronting the Partisans and made all efforts to disarm them. Italy backed up chetniks’ enterprises and protected them from German army while it ostensibly stood up for their disarmament.

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