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The paper analyzes the US response to the Russian aggression against Ukraine in 2022. It discusses the American perception of the war in Ukraine, the military support provided to the Ukrainian army by the US, the economic and humanitarian aspects of the American response to the war, the prospect of further US aid, and the perception of the possibility of ending the conflict in Ukraine.
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The purpose of the article is to provide an argumentative identification of a qualitatively new direction in the activities of Ukrainian libraries under martial law – socio-productive. The methodological basis of the article is based on general scientific methods such as abstract and logical, analysis, cognitive, and synthesis. Dialectical, objectivity, systemic, and structural-functional approaches to scientific knowledge are applied. The scientific novelty of the article consists in revealing the peculiarities of the functioning of Ukrainian libraries under martial law. Such traditional areas of activity in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war, as information and communication, information and advisory, scientific, socio-cultural and local studies, should be supplemented with socio-productive ones. The proposed material enriches the theory of modern librarianship about the changing role of libraries in society under the influence of socio-political processes, determining the new quality of the Ukrainian library institute as an active participant in nation-building processes. The practical significance of the obtained results lies in the application of the acquired best experience of library practice in the activities of library institutions of all systems and departments in order to positively strengthen their image and reputation. Conclusions. In the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the library social institute immediately reacted to the events in the state, changing the algorithm of its functioning with a reorientation to socio-political requests. Among the main traditional areas of activity, the socio-productive one definitely stood out. That is, the library has shown itself as an adaptive system that rationally transforms the work algorithm in order to maintain the optimal state in accordance with the changing conditions of the external environment. The genesis of the strategy for the development of the Ukrainian library and information sphere is consistent with the strategies of national economic, social and humanitarian development.
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The purpose of the study is to highlight the main aspects of accounting and registration of national cultural heritage of Ukraine, to describe the current state of documentation of crimes committed by the Russian Federation against Ukrainian cultural heritage on the territory of Ukraine, and to outline the prospects for digitisation and creation of an online register of cultural heritage of Ukraine. The methodological approach of the study is based on the use of both general scientific and specific methods of cognition. These include: terminological analysis, systems analysis, as well as methods of analysis and synthesis, logical analysis, and visualisation of research results. The scientific novelty of this work lies in the systematisation and analysis of methods for documenting and registering damages and destructions of cultural heritage objects caused by Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine, which allows for a deeper understanding and assessment of the scale and consequences of such actions on cultural heritage. Conclusions. The protection and preservation of unique cultural heritage during the war have become priority tasks for cultural institutions across Ukraine. Currently, the documentation of destruction and damage caused by Russian occupying forces is particularly critical. Cultural values are always at high risk during armed conflicts. The military actions of the Russian Federation have led to horrific crimes against cultural heritage, including the destruction and mass exodus of cultural values, the scale of which is shocking. Fully assessing the damage in combat zones and occupied territories remains impossible. Active evidence collection of Russia’s war crimes against Ukrainian culture is ongoing. The situation in the war with Russian occupiers highlights a blatant disregard for international norms and UNESCO conventions concerning the protection of cultural objects and art collections, as well as violations of all established laws and customs of war, which constitute a large-scale military crime.
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Purpose: The purpose of this study is to examine the organizational and human resource (HR) responses to the challenging economic conditions caused by the war and the COVID-19 pandemic. Given the limited evidence available on how organizations adapt to such crises, this research aims to develop a conceptual model and empirically investigate the influence of two specific factors: organizational size and direct economic ties with the Russian and Ukrainian markets.This study employs a mixed-method approach, combining both theoretical and empirical research. A conceptual model was first developed to outline potential organizational reactions to crisis conditions. The empirical part of the study involved data collection from 128 organizations, including companies and institutions, in Slovakia. The analysis was conducted to test two hypotheses regarding how organizational size and economic connections with the Russian and Ukrainian markets affect organizational and HR responses in times of war.The findings of the study indicate that neither organizational size nor direct economic linkages with the Russian and Ukrainian markets significantly influenced the responses of the organizations studied to the economic difficulties caused by the war. This suggests that other factors may play a more critical role in shaping organizational and HR strategies in response to crises.For theory, this study contributes to the existing literature by challenging the assumption that organizational size and direct economic ties to conflict-affected markets are primary determinants of organizational responses to crisis. For practice, the findings suggest that managers and HR professionals need to consider a broader range of factors beyond size and market exposure when developing strategies to cope with economic disruptions caused by global crises.This research is original in its focus on the specific impacts of war and pandemic-induced economic conditions on organizations in Slovakia. The study provides valuable insights into how organizations navigate crises, expanding the understanding of crisis management and organizational adaptability. It adds value by highlighting the need for more comprehensive models that consider a wider array of factors influencing organizational behavior in times of global economic disruption.
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The article examines the essential characteristics of Ukraine’s national security, its components, features, and priorities in the context of global security. Challenges to Ukraine’s national security since the declaration of independence (1991), the main one – the war with the russia in various forms, and domestic and foreign policy mistakes that deprived Ukraine of the military power it inherited after the collapse of the USSR are analyzed.
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This article analyzes the change in the perception of the phenomenon of war in interna-tional relations over the years. In particular, it focuses on feminist theory of internationalrelations. As an example, the migration of women, children, and the elderly from Ukraineto Poland after the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022 is discussed. The articleputs forward two theses: feminist theory reinterprets international relations and the percep-tion of war, and war is not only a conflict between two states, but also a human tragedy.These theses are confirmed based on the author’s theoretical considerations regarding thephenomenon of war and the analysis of source texts on Ukrainian migrants in Poland.
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During wartime, notaries face a number of complex legal and organisational challenges thatrequire the adaptation of traditional procedures and approaches to the changed conditions ofwartime. This study focuses on ensuring the availability of notarial protection during war-time and the need to develop a legal framework for a regulatory response to challenges thatrequire new approaches and solutions.This article examines the issues of access to notarialservices and preservation of confidentiality of documents during war and armed conflicts. Inparticular, the author examines the difficulties faced by notaries in preserving documents, aswell as the security issues of the notary and his/her clients. The author analyses the practiceof law enforcement and changes in the regulatory framework in the field of notary duringthe military operations in Ukraine. The author analyses the right of military personnel, rank-and-file and senior civil defence officers, employees of critical infrastructure facilities, civilservants, local self-government officials and police officers to a personal order under currentUkrainian legislation, which is an important tool for their social protection and support. Thisarticle focuses on the Ukrainian experience, but the knowledge gained in the course of theanalysis may be useful for other countries facing similar problems. The study reflects therelevance and importance of the problem of ensuring the functioning of the notary duringwartime and suggests ways to address these complex challenges.
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Due to the Russian aggression against Ukraine, a need arose not only to adopt defensive meas-ures, but also to adjust legal provisions (including criminal law) accordingly to the realities. TheUkrainian criminal law responds dynamically to problems arising out in a society forced to live ina completely new reality, a wartime reality. At the same time, since developments occur quickly, thereare inaccuracies and defects in legislation, as identified in the paper. The article seeks to present andanalyse the changes introduced both in the general part of the Ukrainian Criminal Code (mainly theissue of so-called combat immunity), and in the special part thereof where new types of crime weredefined (e.g. collaboration with the enemy – Article 111¹, denying the fact of the aggression againstUkraine – part 1 of Article 111¹), statutory criteria of some of those existing have been modified (e.g.Article 361) and sanctions for certain crimes have been aggravated, if the crimes are committed duringmartial law (e.g. part 2 of Article 111). As a rule, the authors consider the changes correct, and anyimperfections (or interpretive doubts) seem to result mostly from the complexity of the situation andthe need to carry out a quick legislative process.
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This study explores the challenges and prospects of implementing the Third Mission (TM) of Ukrainian higher education institutions (HEIs) amidst the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Utilising a qualitative research approach, data were collected from eight Ukrainian HEIs participating in the Erasmus+ project “Community Universities: Strengthening Cooperation”. Findings reveal a lack of legislative clarity regarding TM, hindering its uniform implementation across institutions. Despite this, Ukrainian universities strongly commit to community engagement, with collaborative efforts to address societal needs. The study highlights the urgent need for legislative strengthening of TM and enhanced collaboration with communities to bolster the resilience of HEIs in conflict-affected contexts.
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February 24, 2022 will go down in history as the black day when the Russian Federation launched an invasion of Ukraine. The imminence of war had been announced weeks earlier by US intelligence services. The dissension between the Russian Federation and Ukraine has taken on a particular magnitude with the annexation of Crimea in 20142 , a dark moment for diplomacy and international law. Invasion of Ukraine remains unjustified, horrible and condemnable. Diplomacy has lost its power these days. It remains to be hoped that an international resuscitation will send diplomatic channels back to work and the war will end. Until then we will look with horror at the thousands of deaths, injuries and infrastructure destruction that the war will continue to produce.
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This paper aims to analyze selected mechanisms accompanying the processes of national revival in the Central Asian republics after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The idea is to investigate the authorities’ actions, which legitimized themselves by appealing to national issues and controlling the processes of building national consciousness. The paper also covers the changes in the nationalist narrative in Kazakhstan in the context of the war in Ukraine, showing the tensions over national identities and loyalties. Some Kazakhs supported Russian aggression against Ukraine, to the great disappointment of national patriots, which has sparked a debate about how the “us” vs. “them” division should be understood in the face of war and a possible threat from Russia. Some participants in the debate question the reliability of equating national identity with loyalty to the state. In doing so, they challenge the government’s primordial narrative, in which nationality legitimizes or naturalizes the current configuration of political power.
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Despite the distance, Ukraine and Taiwan share parallels in the domain of geopolitical struggle and identity issues. Both are experiencing an ongoing process of national identity strengthening and redefinition. External factors, such as Russia’s 2014 occupation of Crimea and the subsequent 2022 invasion of Ukraine and China’s increasing pressure on Taiwan, have shaped both Ukrainian and Taiwanese identities and people’s attitudes. On the one hand, this paper explores the transformation of Ukrainian identity in the wake of Russian aggression, focusing on how the invasion has influenced the strengthening of civic attachment among Ukrainians. On the other hand, we explore the development of Taiwanese identity in the context of growing distinctions from mainland China, primarily focusing on Taiwan’s ongoing democratization process and developing a self-confident national identity distinct from the mainland. The rise of Taiwanese identity coincided with growing sympathy for Taiwan’s independence. Additionally, we consider the evolving nature of civic and national identities, emphasizing their fluidity and adaptability in response to political and social complexity.
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This analytical paper explores the impact of Russia’s full-scale invasion on Ukrainian politics and society since 2022. The war has reshaped the political landscape, solidifying existing power structures while bringing military veterans and social organizations to the forefront. The role of Ukrainian oligarchs has diminished due to financial setbacks and the “anti-oligarch law,” though some are adapting through charitable activities. Additionally, the Ukrainian government is curtailing the influence of the Moscow-affiliated church as part of a broader decolonization effort. The article also examines how the conflict has accelerated Ukraine’s drive for EU and NATO integration, with rising public support fostering domestic reforms and anti-corruption measures.
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The article aims to identify some of the misrepresentations of Ukraine that originated in Russia and led to distorted perceptions of Ukraine in the English-speaking academia. Apart from that, the article aims to expose the reasons behind the emergence of such misrepresentations, the way to counter them, and the pitfalls of using them in security analysis. The article hypothesizes that the traditional colonial perception of Ukraine prevents Western scholars and policy-makers, whom these scholars consult, from adequately interpreting and securitizing the acuteness of the contemporary Russian threat. To complete the research, the article draws from decolonial and securitization theories. The article argues that the centuries-long othering and denial of agency of Ukraine, combined with the lack of specific expertise on the country and the colonial tradition of knowledge production, led to a comparatively inconsistent response of Western academia to the post-2014 Russian aggression against a sovereign nation. To address the existing inadequacy, Western scholars should become more open to the opinions of their Ukrainian colleagues, accept the merit of unconventional perspectives, and revise Russo-centrism in research frameworks and teaching curricula.
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Ze szczytów porozumienia w 2022 r. relacje Polski i Ukrainy w następnych latach szybko spadły na równiny. Choć było to do przewidzenia, tempo tego procesu budzi uzasadniony niepokój. Jakie można zaproponować ścieżki wyjściaz obecnej sytuacji?
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Myśl tego wybitnego publicysty politycznego jest zadziwiająco aktualna. W latach 30. XX wieku Bocheński głosił tezę, że niepodległa Ukraina wzmocni bezpieczeństwo Polski i Europy Wschodniej. Ostro krytykował autorytaryzm. Samą myślo posiadaniu „władzy na zawsze” uważał za szkodliwą.
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Th e article examines the superpower aspirations of the Russian Federationunder the leadership of President Vladimir Putin, which culminated in the military invasionof Ukraine in February 2022. Th is analysis reveals several fundamental factors responsiblefor the threats that the Kremlin’s superpower policy poses to contemporary internationalsecurity systems, primarily to the political order of Central and Eastern Europe and theentire world.
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The article studies the peculiarities of the development of culturaldiplomacy of Ukraine in the conditions of war. For a long time, culturaldiplomacy of Ukraine developed unsystematically. The importance of increasingattention tocultural diplomacy during thewar isemphasized. Cultural diplomacyforms a platform for interaction between different cultures and aims at mutualunderstanding, tolerance, and collaboration between states. The main goalof Ukraine's cultural diplomacy in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian waris to strengthen subjectivity, to form a positive image of the country. Convincingexamples of cultural diplomacy during the war are considered. The SWOTanalysis of the cultural diplomacy model of Ukraine is carried out. The strongpoints and ways of neutralizing the weaknesses of cultural diplomacy are defined.A number of problems it currently faces are analysed. The importance of a clearstrategic approach of the state to the development of cultural diplomacyis emphasized.
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In order to diagnose which kind of political processes are taking place specifically in terms of geopolitics of the Central and Eastern Europe or broader post-Soviet/ post-socialist region having potentially global repercussions, the paper aims at finding out what are the major similarities and differences between Ukraine and Georgia amidst the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian War. In particular, we need to identify if much bigger and more significant regional or already due to the ongoing war – the world competitor – Ukraine on one hand, and on the other, much smaller South Caucasian state – Georgia with also crucially important location as a center of a micro region at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, are in fact qualitatively analogous or very different players taking into account at least main contemporary commonalities and distinctions characteristic and topical contemporarily for these two countries.
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The cognitive aim of the publication is to analyze Ukraine as a sphere of influence of Turkeyand Russia. The analysis is intended to expand knowledge about Ukraine as a space of geopoliticalimportance, the interests of Turkey and Russia and their geopolitical strategies to-wards Ukraine. The following research hypotheses will be verified in the article. Firstly, forboth Turkey and Russia, Ukraine is their sphere of influence. For Turkey, the geostrategic im-portance of Ukraine is determined mainly by its location in the Black Sea region. By buildinga strong position in this area and cooperating with the countries of the region – includingUkraine – the Turks guarantee themselves access to the geopolitically important Bosphorusand Dardanelles straits. For the Russians, however, an independent Ukraine cooperating withWestern structures means the end of the effective implementation of imperial policy, the maingoal of which is to divide Europe into spheres of influence in force during the Cold War andto build the so-called great Russia. Secondly, the intersection of conflicting interests on theterritory of Ukraine of two important geopolitical “players”: Turkey and Russia, in the longrun, excludes the possibility of their strategic cooperation, and also confirms the importanceof Ukraine as a space over which geopolitical competition takes place between the above enti-ties, and in a broader sense perspective between Russia and the West. The article will first ofall present the geopolitical importance of Ukraine. Secondly, the identified interests of Turkeyand Russia in the context of their geopolitical competition for influence in Ukraine. Thirdly, thegeopoliti cal strategies of both countries towards Ukraine are analyzed, along with the processof their implementation.
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