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In this book, the fourth term of the Civil Society Dialogue Grant Program, supported by the Ministry of European Union of the Republic of Turkey, was carried out in partnership with Uskudar University, Haci Habibullah Geredevi Foundation (HAGEV) and CEIPES (Italy) Hand in hand with Refugee Children' project, the papers and speeches presented at the International Symposium on Children and Migration are brought together with the reader.
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"Amduat – Text of the Hidden Chamber" is an ancient Egyptian esoteric book that describes and magically recreates the journey of the Sun God to Duat (the Realm of the Dead). The book has been recorded on the walls of the royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings - it contains the names of the inhabitants of the afterlife, their sacred images and spells to overcome the obstacles in this journey. It is a secret doctrine taught by the Egyptian king and his companions. It appears for the first time in the middle of the second millennium BC, and its tradition is preserved until the sunset of Egyptian civilization. The book is a magical means of immortality, and with its help one goes the same space cycle to his resurrection as the Sun God on his night journey to the new sunrise. The edition contains an introduction, a translation from Ancient Egyptian and a commentary on the book. It is published for the first time in Bulgarian.
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The subject o f this scholarly meeting is summarized in its title which gives the best possible formula of all topics dealt with in the said projects. Our goal is to see that, after the first year of work on the projects, these two research and education institutions organize a transparent conference which would provide access to the entire experience related to the project activities and to the results achieved by the research workers after a year-long effort. In the course o f such presentations, a need will arise for a critical overview and discourse o f all the issues and dilemmas encountered hitherto by the scholars. From the very start o f the sign-up period, in July 2001, the problems have, unfortunately, emerged in the formulation of entries in pursuance of the instructions in the project registration form. These were not the only nor the biggest problems. A prolonged waiting for the foreign reviews and for the allocation of research time, which w as considerably reduced as concerns our Institute, resulted in a 30% reduction of funding, and in a year-long struggle to get reimbursement for direct material expenses. Everyone is aware that such projects in the humanities, which have then special national significance, cannot be even conceived o f without fieldwork. As a matter o f principle, it should be pointed out here that the attitude to the humanities has, in the case o f our projects, proved inadequate. After this first year o f research work, in which a number o shortcomings has crystallized as being inappropriate to the nature and spirit o f the humanities, we do hope that in the ensuing stages such shortcomings will be eliminated. W e expect understanding and support from our financier. I am sure that today ’s presentations, a long with the afore said, and in combination with individual experiences acquired by the scholars during their research work in 2002, w ill yield a fruitful discussion which, as a rule, is the best achievement of such symposia.
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This is the second collection of selected essays by the authors who attended the courses and seminars the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia organized in 2005. Within the tree-year project “Building up Democracy and Good Governance in Multiethnic Communities” that is being implemented with the assistance of the European Union, twenty-four 5-day “Schools of democracy” and sixteen 3-day seminars under the common title “Life and Living in Multiethnic Environments” were held in 2004 and 2005 in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Kragujevac and Novi Pazar. Over 1000 trainees attended these courses and seminars. The project is aimed at capacitating young people - by the means of attractive courses of training - not only for a life in multiethnic communities that are particularly burdened with the adverse experience of the recent past, mutual distrust and stereotypes, but also for a life in the conditions that mark a modern democracy and reflect its standards. An objective as such implies, among other things, rational perception of notions, developments and trends that are in Serbia still blurred, marginalized and subject to relativism or, moreover, to various and even misguiding interpretations. The Helsinki Committee’s experience testifies this is all about a process that takes time but is worthy of effort - the more so since young people, as evidenced by the selected writings as well, fully perceive it as an imperative need of their own.
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Ubistvo premijera Zorana Đinđića obeležilo je ne samo celu 2003. godinu, već će, sudeći po razvoju situacije u Srbiji, predstavljati istorijsko raskršće za Srbiju: za ili protiv Evrope. Ubistvom reformskog premijera, ne samo da su zaustavljene reforme i prekinuta saradnja sa Haškim tribunalom, već je otvoren put radikalizaciji Srbije, što su potvrdili i vanredni parlamentarni izbori. Nesposobnost i nespremnost DOS da napravi diskontinuitet sa Miloševićevim politikom, posebno ratnom, otvorilo je put restauraciji regime anciene i ubedljivoj pobedi njegovih predstavnika na vanrednim parlamentarnim izborima. Od ubistva premijera Zorana Đinđića do parlamentarnih izbora ostvareni su skoro u celosti ciljevi puzećeg puča, uprkos pokušaju međunarodne zajednice da održi kurs reformi kroz, pre svega, prijem SCG u članstvo Saveta Evrope već tokom vanrednog stanja. Sve aktivnosti ujedinjenih snaga (cela opozicija, većina nevladinih organizacija i medija) bile su usmerene na obaranje vlade i njenu kompromitaciju. Na izborima su pobedile one snage koje su zbog rešavanja "nacionalnog pitanja" odlagale tranziciju i demokratizaciju društva. Zbog istrošenosti i poraza nacionalnog projekta, kao i zbog sprečavanja stvaranja alternative, konzervativna srpska elita našla je novi oslonac populističke politike u produkciji afera i skandala. Njihov cilj nisu bile ekonomske reforme već diskvalifikacija protivnika, što je potpuno devalviralo stvarnu borbu protiv korupcije, kao i same reforme. Pobeda SRS i DSS garancija je da će se kurs nastaviti, što se prelama preko debate o novom ustavu, rešavanju kosovskog i vojvođanskog pitanja, saradnji sa Haškim tribunalom, odnosu prema državnoj zajednici i odbijanju suočavanja sa neposrednom prošlošću. Radikalizacija politike u Beogradu dodatno destabilizije, ne samo zemlju, već i ceo region.
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Upravo doneti Zakon kojim se rehabilituju svi “ideološki” protivnici komunizma, počinje sa datumom od 6. aprila 1941. što je istovremeno i njegov najzanimljiviji deo. Imali smo priliku da slušamo predlagače i zagovornike zakona1 koji su svojom srčanom odbranom ratnih “ideoloških” protivnika komunizma, nedvosmisleno potvrdili da je čitava stvar i smišljena isključivo zbog njih, a da ih oni posle 1945. ustvari i ne zanimaju, odnosno, da su samo “kolateralna šteta” pokušaja rehabilitacije kvislinga iz vremena Drugog svetskog rata. Saopštili su nam i da bi čitav komunistički period trebalo jednostavno proglasiti zločinačkim čime bi, misle oni, po automatizmu bili rehabilitovani svi njegovi “ideološki” protivnici, a oni ratni proglašeni borcima za pravednu stvar. Zato možemo očekivati da će (kao što se već desilo sa četnicima) ovog puta “demokratama” biti proglašeni nedićevci i ljotićevci, pa će po automatizmu “demokrate” postati i balisti, hortijevci, ustaše, i na kraju, sam nemački Rajh. Svi oni zaista jesu bili “ideološki” protivnici komunizma, ali je, sasvim sigurno, Hitler bio najveći. Zato nije slučajno danas, njihov “ideološki” antikomunizam i početak i kraj svake argumentacije, uz prećutkivanje da su kao protivnici komunizma bili i aktivni protivnici celokupne antihitlerovske koalicije čiji je komunizam bio sastavni deo. Prećutkuje se i da je njihov “ideološki” antikomunizam u tadašnjem shvatanju pojma podrazumevao veličanje nacizma, antidemokratiju, i na prvom mestu, antisemitizam, “slučajno”, baš u vreme kada su milioni Jevreja ubijani u “Velikom Nemačkom Rajhu”.
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Introduction – Ali Çağlar, Ibrahim Sirkeci, Betül Dilara Şeker Chapter 1: Mobilities of Turkish migrants in Europe – Steffen Pötzschke Chapter 2: Incentive to migrate and to return to home country: A comparison of Turkish, Moroccan and Egyptian cases – Yehudith Kahn and Nir Billfeld Chapter 3: Turkish refugees and their use of health and social services in London – Nilüfer Korkmaz Yaylagül, Suzan Yazıcı and George Leeson Chapter 4: A Widening immigrant – native gap. Child income and poverty in Sweden among immigrants from Turkey and the surrounding region – Björn Gustafsson and Torun ÖsterbergChapter 5: Alevis’ transnational practices and the consolidation of Alevi identity in the United Kingdom – Ayşegül Akdemir Chapter 6: Turkish teachers’ views on European identity in Belgium – Ali Faruk Yaylacı Chapter 7: Turkish women in Alsace: Language maintenance and shift in negotiating integration – Feray J. Baskin Chapter 8: From retreating to resisting: How Austrian-Turkish women deal with experiences of racism – Katharina Hametner Chapter 9: Social communication among Turkish immigrants in Belgium – Filiz Göktuna YaylacıChapter 10: Tiryaki Kukla – Smoking cessation and tobacco prevention among migrants from Turkey in Switzerland – Corina Salis Gross, Claudia Arnold and Michael Schaub Chapter 11: “Rewriting” Turkish-German cinema from the bottom-up: Turkish emigration cinema – Ömer Alkin Chapter 12: Grounded theory and transnational audience reception – Deniz Özalpman Chapter 13: Turkish Muslims in a German city: Entrepreneurial and residential self-determination – Sarah Hackett Chapter 14: An Investigation on the Turkish Religious Foundation of the UK (Diyanet) – Yakup Çoştu and Feyza Ceyhan Çoştu
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This edited collection brings together a wide range of topics that shed light on the social, cultural, economic, political and spatio-temporal changes influencing post-socialist cities of Eastern Europe. Different case studies are presented through papers that were presented at the Euroacademia International Conference series. Imaginaries, identities and transformations represent three blocks for understanding the ways in which visual narratives, memory and identity, and processes of alterity shape the symbolic meanings articulated and inscribed upon post-socialist cities. As such, this book stimulates a debate in order to provide alternative views on the dynamics, persistence and change broadly shaping mental mappings of Eastern Europe. The volume offers an opportunity for scholars, activists and practitioners to identify, discuss, and debate the multiple dimensions in which specific narratives of alterity making towards Eastern Europe preserve their salience today in re-furbished and re-fashioned manners.
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Migration and challenges associated with human mobility are here to stay. We, as migration scholars, reiterate, rethink, reconsider what we do know and identify areas for further investigation constantly. Every year we get intrigued by volumes of research and scholarship presented at the Migration Conferences (TMC) since 2012. At the fifth conference in 2017 held at Harokopio University in Athens, about 400 papers were disseminated by researchers covering different aspects, approaches, methods, and takes on human mobility. This edited volume in hand here, although inspired and shaped by the contributions initially presented at the TMC 2017, is more than a conference proceedings book. The volume includes not only more experienced and distinguished academics but also new researchers committed to high quality scholarship in this field. “Migration has become an everyday topic in the last years, and the arrival of persons fleeing for their lives or human rights or in search of a better life has been deemed as a “crisis”. In reality, though, Politics are creating a crisis of protection. This book flashes out this scenario in Europe, pointing to the crisis of policies towards migrants in the EU. To face the challenges in the current international setting balancing the interests of States and the needs of human beings is essential. This requires analysis a commitment to being comprehensive, propositional and analytical and this book delivers this.” – <em>Liliana Lyra Jubilut, Professor in International Law, Member of the IOM Migration Research Leaders’ Syndicate, Brazil</em> “Whenever we hear the voices of irresponsible populists trying to destroy the European project, we should never forget that we live in and have to fight for an age of enlightenment. The volume at hand provides a superb reminder.” <em>– Markus Kotzur, Chair of European and International Law and Vice Dean for Studies and Teaching, Universität Hamburg, Germany</em> Contents Preface Markus Kotzur 3 INTRODUCTION Ibrahim Sirkeci, Emília Lana de Freitas Castro, Ülkü Sezgi Sözen. 5 HUMANITARIAN SECURITIZATION OF THE 2015 “MIGRATION CRISIS”: INVESTIGATING HUMANITARISM AND SECURITY IN THE EU POLICY FRAMES ON OPERATIONAL INVOLVEMENT IN THE MEDITERRANEAN Maciej Stępka. 9 RESTRICTION, PRAGMATIC LIBERALISATION, MODERNISATION: GERMANY’S MULTIFACETED RESPONSE TO THE “REFUGEE CRISIS” Axel Kreienbrink 31 COMMUNICATING REFUGEES AND HUMAN RIGHTS: THE GERMAN GOVERNMENT’S ASSESSMENT OF THE ROLE OF THE EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS Johanna C. Günther 53 SOLIDARITY VS. SOVEREIGNTY: PERSPECTIVE ON THE SLOVAK FOREIGN POLICY REACTIONS TO THE MIGRATION CRISIS Barbora Olejárová. 77 ASYLUM UNDER PRESSURE: INTERNATIONAL DETERRENCE AND ACCESS TO ASYLUM Vasiliki Kakosimou. 95 LEGAL AND CIRCULAR MIGRATION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION MOBILITY PARTNERSHIPS Katarzyna A. Morawska. 103 DEVELOPING THE UNDERSTANDING OF MIGRANT INTEGRATION IN THE EU: IMPLICATIONS FOR HOUSING PRACTICES Maria Psoinos and Orna Rosenfeld. 115 IMMIGRATION AND ELECTORAL SUPPORT FOR THE RADICAL RIGHT: EVIDENCE FROM DUTCH MUNICIPALITIES Panagiotis Chasapopoulos, Arjen van Witteloostuijn and Christophe Boone. 133
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“Uluslararası İlişkilerde güvenlik kuramlarına çağdaş yaklaşımlar uluslararası sosyal yapıdaki değişimler ve değişen “güvenlik” al-gılamaları sonucunda evrilerek disiplini zenginleştirmiştir. Günü-müzde “güvenlik” yaklaşımları çevre, toplumsal cinsiyet veya göç gibi güncel konular etrafında incelenmeye başlanmıştır. Daha önce yine Transnational Press London tarafından yayın-lanan “Uluslararası İlişkilerde Güvenlik Kuramları ve Sorunlarına Temel Yaklaşımlar” isimli kitabimizda daha ziyade temel güven-lik kuramlarına değinirken bu kitabimizda eleştirel yaklaşımlara yer vermeye çalıştık. Bu bağlamda “güvenlik” kavramına farklı bakış açılarını yansıtan kuramsal çerçeveleri göstererek güncel sorunları irdelemeye çalıştık.” İçindekiler ÖnsözEditörler ve Yazarlar HakkındaÖnsözGiriş – Sibel TURAN ve Nergiz ÖZKURAL KÖROĞLUBİRİNCİ KISIM: BARIŞ ÇALIŞMALARI VE GÜVENLİKMYANMAR/BURMA’DA BARIŞ İNŞA SÜRECİ ÜZERİNE BİR İNCELEME – Tolga ERDEMBARIŞ ÇALIŞMALARI KAPSAMINDA İSRAİL-FİLİSTİN SORUNU – Demet ŞENBAŞBARIŞ ÇALIŞMALARI BAĞLAMINDA KOLOMBİYA İÇ SAVAŞI – Sevil ŞAHİN ve Mustafa Ozan ŞAHİNİKİNCİ KISIM: ELEŞTİREL KURAM VE GÜVENLİKELEŞTİREL GÜVENLİK: “TEHDİT” EDEN GÖÇMENDEN “REFERENAS OBJESİNE” GÖÇ VE GÜVENLİK İLİŞKİSİ – Deniz EROĞLU UTKUELEŞTİREL GÜVENLİK YAKLAŞIMI BAĞLAMINDA RUANDA SOYKIRIMININ ANALİZİ – Abdullah TORUNELEŞTİREL YAKLAŞIM VE GALLER OKULU: 11 EYLÜL 2001 TERÖRİST SALDIRILARININ ETKİSİNDE TOPLUMSAL GÜVENLİK – Hakan AYDINÜÇÜNCÜ KISIM: FEMİNİZM VE GÜVENLİKFEMİNİST ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER YAKLAŞIMI AÇISINDAN MÜLTECİ KADIN SORUNU: SURİYELİ MÜLTECİ KADINLAR ÖRNEĞİ – Begüm ÖĞÜTTÜREN GÜVENÇFEMİNİST AÇIDAN AVRUPA BİRLİĞİ ORTAK DIŞ VE GÜVENLİK POLİTİKASI – Sinem YÜKSEL ÇENDEKDÖRDÜNCÜ KISIM: YEŞİL TEORİ VE GÜVENLİKULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLERDE YEŞİL TEORİ: İKLİM DEĞİŞİMİ VE KÜRESEL ISINMA BAĞLAMINDA BÜYÜK GÜÇLERİN KUZEY KUTBU REKABETİ: ARKTİKA’NIN YENİ JEOPOLİTİĞİ – Hayri EMİNTOPLUMSAL EKOLOJİ VE ULUSLARARASI HİYERARŞİ – Emre KALAYYEŞİL TEORİ EKSENİNDE KÜRESELLEŞME VE TOPLUMSAL OLAYLAR – Armağan ÖRKİDizin
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4th Migration Conference was held in Vienna. After a meticulous referee process at the Turkish Migration Conference, a conference program consisting of 72 sessions and 2 workshops was created. 350 oral presentations were made by 400 authors from various countries around the world. Some of the selection papers presented at the 4th Turkish Migration Conference were revised and expanded and published in various national and international magazines and books. In this review, we offer you a selection of the papers presented at the conference. This abstract collection consists of four sections within the framework of the basic areas in the field of migration. The first part includes migration, economy and social policy, migration, identity and diaspora in the second part, Urbanization, Politics and Migration Policies in the third part, and the fourth part of history, art and migration under the heading various works. We hope that these studies will also contribute to the development of turkish migration.
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I have the honour to present this second volume of the “What is the Gender of Security?” series. The OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina has partnered with the Sarajevo Open Centre in support of established and emerging practitioners and academics to provide important analysis on the engagement of women in the security sector and other relevant topics pertaining to gender and security. In so doing, we aim to foster synergies among academia, practitioners, and political and security decision-makers, and to highlight the importance of including gender perspectives in all aspects of security. We have partnered with the Sarajevo Open Centre to mark two important anniversaries: 2020 marks 25 years since the end of the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina and 20 years since the adoption of the landmark UNSC Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. The Resolution, unfortunately inspired by the conflicts in BiH and Rwanda in the 1990s, has helped place women’s war and post-war experiences at the forefront of international policy making, especially when it comes to peace negotiations and peace-building, peacekeeping, reconciliation, and reconstruction. Although much remains to be done in the fight to achieve equal rights and opportunities, it is worth recalling the progress achieved so far. To date 83 countries have adopted a National Action Plan for the Implementation of UNSCR 1325, with BiH being one of the first, having adopted its Plan in 2010. I am proud to represent an organization that puts promoting and achieving gender equality within and among participating States, our executive structures and field operations at the forefront of its work. The OSCE adopted its Action Plan for Promotion of Gender Equality in 2004, at a time when gender issues were rarely discussed in international fora. UNSCR 1325 is one of the pillars of our Action Plan and the OSCE Mission to BiH will continue to support BiH partner institutions in promoting its implementation. Since the 1975 Helsinki Final Act (the precursor to the OSCE as we know it today), participating States have recognized the value of a comprehensive approach to security. We remain committed to this approach. Human security cannot be ensured by depending exclusively on democratically-controlled defence and security forces. To achieve sustainable security, access to education and health, economic stability, rule of law, respect for human rights and a stable environment are all crucial. Gender equality and ensuring that youth perspectives play a central role in decision making remains at the heart of the OSCE’s approach. In 2019 the OSCE published research on “Implementing the Women, Peace and Security Agenda in the OSCE Region“ which provides an excellent overview of the implementation of UNSCR 1325. I recommend it to all interested researchers. The world is currently facing a security crisis on a scale more serious than most others in living memory. We are confronted with a pandemic that has forced us all to assume a key role in ensuring the safety and security of our loved ones and ourselves. The spread of the COVID-19 virus has brought into stark relief our global interdependence. It has highlighted the importance of looking out for each other, as well as supporting and protecting the democratic institutions that help our societies function and effectively address crises such as this one. Moreover, it has demonstrated the important role women can and must play as leaders, communicators, researchers and health providers in fighting the pandemic, to the benefit of all. These challenges require us all, whether in government or academia, to continue to collaborate, monitor, analyse, and learn from the experiences we are confronting. It is my sincere hope that, with this second volume, the Sarajevo Open Centre and the OSCE Mission to BiH will together make a valuable contribution to increased knowledge and awareness of many aspects of the UNSCR 1325 implementation.
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Čast mi je predstaviti ovaj drugi tom zbornika pod nazivom “Kojeg je roda sigurnost?”. Misija OSCE-a u Bosni i Hercegovini djelovala je u partnerstvu sa Sarajevskim otvorenim centrom da bi pružila podršku etabliranim praktičarkama i praktičarima te članovima i članicama akademske zajednice, kao i onima koji su tek u usponu, da izvrše važnu analizu angažmana žena u sigurnosnom sektoru, kao i drugih relevantnih tema koje se tiču roda i sigurnosti. Čineći to, naš je cilj da kultiviramo sinergije između akademske zajednice, praktičara i donosilaca odluka u oblastima politike i sigurnosti, kao i da naglasimo važnost uključivanja rodne perspektive u sve aspekte sigurnosti. Djelovali smo u partnerstvu sa Sarajevskim otvorenim centrom da bismo obilježili dvije važne godišnjice: 2020. godine se obilježava 25 godina od kraja sukoba u Bosni i Hercegovini i 20 godina od usvajanja znamenite Rezolucije 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a “Žene, mir i sigurnost”. Ta Rezolucija, nažalost inspirisana sukobima u BiH i Ruandi 90-ih godina 20. vijeka, pomogla je da se ratna i poslijeratna iskustva žena stave u prvi plan kada je u pitanju kreiranje međunarodnih politika djelovanja, naročito u vezi sa mirovnim pregovorima i izgradnjom mira, očuvanjem mira, pomirenjem i obnovom. Iako ostaje još mnogo toga da se uradi u borbi za ostvarenje jednakih prava i mogućnosti, vrijedi se podsjetiti dosadašnjeg napretka. Do danas su 83 države usvojile nacionalni akcioni plan za provedbu Rezolucije 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a, pri čemu je BiH bila jedna od prvih, usvojivši svoj plan 2010. godine. Ponosna sam što predstavljam organizaciju koja u prvi plan svog rada stavlja promociju i ostvarenje rodne ravnopravnosti u državama članicama, našim izvršnim tijelima i terenskim misijama, kao i između njih. OSCE je usvojio svoj Akcioni plan za promociju rodne ravnopravnosti 2004. godine, u vrijeme kada se o rodnim pitanjima rijetko razgovaralo u međunarodnim forumima. Rezolucija 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a jedan je od stubova našeg Akcionog plana, a Misija OSCE-a u BiH će nastaviti da pruža podršku partnerskim institucijama iz BiH u promociji njene provedbe. Još od Završnog dokumenta iz Helsinkija usvojenog 1975. godine (koji predstavlja prethodnicu OSCE-a kakvog poznajemo danas), države članice su prepoznale vrijednost sveobuhvatnog pristupa sigurnosti. Ostajemo predani tom pristupu. Sigurnost ljudi ne može biti osigurana oslanjajući se isključivo na snage odbrane i sigurnosti koje se nalaze pod demokratskom kontrolom. Da bi se postigla održiva sigurnost, od ključne su važnosti pristup obrazovanju i zdravstvu, ekonomska stabilnost, vladavina prava, poštovanje ljudskih prava i stabilno okruženje. Rodna ravnopravnost i osiguravanje da gledišta mladih igraju jednu od centralnih uloga u donošenju odluka ostaju u središtu OSCE-ovog pristupa. OSCE je 2019. godine objavio istraživanje pod nazivom “Provedba Agende ‘Žene, mir i sigurnost’ u državama članicama OSCE-a”, u kome je pružen izvanredan pregled provedbe Rezolucije 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a. Preporučujem ga svim zainteresovanim istraživačima i istraživačicama. Svijet se trenutno suočava sa sigurnosnom krizom ozbiljnijom od većine drugih u našem životnom vijeku. Suočeni smo sa pandemijom koja nas je sve prisilila da odigramo jednu od ključnih uloga u pružanju sigurnosti sebi i svojim najmilijima. Širenje koronavirusa zorno je pokazalo našu globalnu međuzavisnost. Ono je naglasilo važnost brige jednih za druge, kao i važnost pružanja podrške i zaštite demokratskim institucijama koje pomažu našim društvima da funkcionišu i djelotvorno rješavaju krize poput ove. Štaviše, ono je pokazalo važnu ulogu koju žene mogu i moraju igrati kao liderke, komunikatorice, istraživačice i zdravstvene djelatnice u borbi protiv pandemije, za dobrobit svih nas. Ti izazovi traže od svih nas, bez obzira da li radimo u tijelima vlasti ili u akademskoj zajednici, da nastavimo da sarađujemo, pratimo, analiziramo i učimo iz iskustava sa kojima se suočavamo. Iskreno se nadam da će, ovim drugim tomom, Sarajevski otvoreni centar i Misija OSCE-a u BiH zajedno dati vrijedan doprinos većem nivou znanja i svijesti o mnogim aspektima provedbe Rezolucije 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a.
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This handbook offers only some of the possible answers to the question how to deepen the discussion on the past in polarized societies where denial and/or relativization of crimes is an everyday practice and where one can hear exclamations such as "There is only one truth!" more often than questions "What has happened to you and your family?" The pages you are reading have been written for all those who have doubts and question a black-and-white picture of a 'better past', subject to adjustments and polishing in order to makes 'us' look more positive and 'them' negative. The handbook deals with some of the possible ways in which facts can be documented, suffering of every victim and survivor acknowledged and dignity of every person respected. The idea for publishing this handbook was born on my way to Canada where I was supposed to present the process of dealing with the past in Croatia and the neighbouring countries, from my own perspective, to colleagues from both North and South America and other continents. Interest into our experiences, expressed by ancestors of children who were taken from Indigenous peoples’ villages near Vancouver, with "the best intentions of better education", as well as by artists from Colombia who work with traumatized families of the killed and missing and by priests who are preparing a truth commission in Burundi, but also positive reactions from Bjelovar, Pakrac, Osijek and Sarajevo, encouraged us to write this handbook. National Foundation for the Development of Civil Society also recognized the importance of learning through exchange of experiences and supported this handbook. Texts in the handbook describe experiences of people who have, for decades, been trying to find ways in which to talk about hidden, unpleasant facts and crimes committed in their neighbourhood. The authors have gathered in initiatives such as that for the return of the name of the Victims of fascism square in Zagreb or Antiwar campaign Croatia and started organizations such as Centre for peace studies, Delfin, Pravda and MIRamiDA Centre. In an attempt to initiate the process of dealing with the past and to establish a fact-based truth about the war and contribute to shifting public discussion from the level of dispute about facts towards a dialogue on interpretations, these organizations founded Documenta – Centre for Dealing with the Past (hereafter Documenta). It was established in order to systematically deal with violence inherited in the period since the beginning of the Second World War until today. The key reason for making this effort was experience in silencing and forging war crimes and other war events in the period from 1941 until 2000, which has affected the recent history of Yugoslavia, but also of post-Yugoslav states and societies. During their work, the authors have opened questions which are, at the same time, difficult and important for everyone. Experiences which they have documented cannot be implemented universally, but can perhaps serve as an inspiration for opening up the dialogue about the past and about the adequate ways of remembering those killed in different locations. Since they are aware that there are no uniform recipes for thinking about the past and selecting the way in which to discuss difficult issues, they sometimes start from their own position and position of their own family, and sometimes point to global problems. The order in which you choose to read the text is not important. Regardless of whether you choose to first read about personal, family, institutional or social sphere, the texts will lead you to taking a stand towards violence in all spheres. Considering the fact that we still live in exclusive societies in which security is often based on closing oneself in a group of people of the same nationality and/ or those who think alike and who do not refrain from radical nationalism, ideological exclusiveness, degrading people of different nationality, making fun of ideological opponents or denying facts on committed war crimes, our starting point, in the work we do, was acknowledgement and emphasis of human dignity of those who were killed, suffered or were abused, regardless of the side on which they found themselves due to their belonging, geography, choice or political beliefs. The same values may also be your own starting point. Since respect of dignity and equal rights is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace, all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and their rights, as stipulated in the Preamble and Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted at the UN General Assembly on December 10, 1948. While a struggle for recognition of rights which are stipulated in this declaration is still going on, we can ask ourselves how many more decades will need to pass in order for the ‘new’ rights to truth, just court proceedings, reparations and guarantee to non-repetition of crimes, which are being affirmed within the U.N. in the past ten years, to become a worldwide recognized standard? Even if we are talking about a century of advocacy, we should not be discouraged by the slowness of changes, because taking a stand to violence on an every-day basis means a lot to those who have been hurt. Even in times of dictatorships, the destiny of those who suffered becomes visible only when others, outside one’s family circle, recognize it as such. Building mutual trust after a war and conflicts is connected to the acknowledgement of victims’ past suffering, and in Croatia and other post-Yugoslav countries, contemporaries of three cycles of violence, the Second World War, post-war violence over political opponents and the 1990s wars, are still alive. The decision on how far in the past one should go when conducting research is not an easy one. In social processes of dealing with difficult past violence, it is not easy, and sometimes even impossible, to single out only one group of crimes, especially in disputes which touch upon traumatic experiences of participants themselves. Every initiative for deepening a dialogue about the past will decide what would be a relevant period in the context of its own country. In countries with the history of colonialism or slavery, it will, for example, be necessary to take into account more layers of history. In this handbook, the authors primarily use examples from Croatia regarding three layers of the past, the contemporaries of which are still alive. In other countries, it will perhaps be possible to focus only on the last cycle of violence or it will be necessary to look back a couple of centuries back, for example to the period when colonization started. In our work thus far, it has become clear that personal, family, institutional and social dealing with the past is not only important for the protection of rights of those groups which suffered during wars or political violence, but is also important for the process of civilizational development of a society as a whole. Open, inclusive societies in which horizontal communication about all, even unpleasant topics, is encouraged, are more successful in every respect. When working through a trauma, through dealing with the past, we affirm inclusiveness and openness of a society, as a general good which should be protected. However we engage in the process of dealing with the past, it will demand from us to condemn spreading of hatred. Regardless of whether we decide to have private conversations within our own homes or to critically examine the most important decisions adopted by government institutions, the first step we make could be to condemn violence. It is less important whether this condemnation will influence our relationship with ourselves and our closest family members or whether we find a way to express this condemnation by critically commenting on the world around us. What is important is this essential step of condemning all forms of violence. The scope of your intervention, research or action will depend on your ability to include and motivate others. It is not important whether the initiative will start from one person’s wish to document his/her memories for future generations1 , from a conversation between two worried individuals2 or from years-long preparations of experienced organizers for founding a researchdocumentation centre which would systematically monitor trials and document human losses. In moments of revolt caused by a general lack of respect for values that you find important, decisions on taking action will be made in a second, while decisions on starting new organizations may take several years. But before diving into an examination of methodology, the question that should first be asked is the one about the purpose of dealing with the past. One of the possible answers, which has emerged throughout the work of human rights organizations, is that dealing with the past lessens the burden of the past, which stalls complete development of societies affected by war and political violence. Only by revealing systematically hidden and silenced information on human suffering and by gradually accepting facts about committed crimes are we creating a chance for personal and social healing, as well as providing space for realizing the rights of young people on learning about fact-based history. Emina Bužinkić, Igor Roginek, Goran Božičević, Ana Bitoljanu and Vesna Teršelič are the editors of this handbook. It contains texts on factography of suffering, recoding of personal memories, preparation of public advocacy and war crimes trials monitoring. We believe the handbook to abound in different styles, approaches, language and experiences and hope you will find it helpful.
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Ovaj priručnik nudi samo neke od mogućih praktičnih odgovora na pitanje kako produbiti raspravu o prošlosti u polariziranim društvima gdje je poricanje i/ili relativizacija zločina svakodnevna praksa u kojim a se puno češće od pitanja drugom čovjeku "Što se dogodilo tebi i tvojim najbližima, kako vam je bilo?", čuje povik "Jedna je istina!". Stranice pred vama napisane su za sve koji sumnjaju i propituju jednostavnu crno bijelu sliku 'bolje prošlosti', eventualno podložnu dotjerivanju i prekrajanju kako bi 'nas' pokazala u što ljepšem svjetlu, a 'njih' ocrnila. Priručnik se bavi nekim mogućim putovima prema stvaranju podrške za dokumentiranje svih činjenica, priznavanju patnje svake žrtve i preživjelog te uvažavanju dostojanstva svakog čovjeka. Ideja za priručnik rodila se na putu u Kanadu gdje sam trebala predstaviti proces suočavanja s prošlošću u Hrvatskoj i susjednim zemljama kolegama iz obje Amerike i drugih kontinenata, iz svoje perspektive. Zanimanje za naša iskustva, kako nasljednika djece koja su "s najboljim namjeram a boljeg obrazovanja" otimana iz plemenskih rezervata u blizini Vancouvera, tako i umjetnika koji u Kolumbiji rade s traumatiziranim obiteljima ubijen ih i nestalih te svećenika koji u Burundiju priprema osnivanje Komisije za istinu, kao i pozitivne reakcije iz Bjelovara, Pakraca, Osijeka i Sarajeva, ohrabrilo nas je na pisanje. Tekstovi opisuju iskustva ljudi koji su desetljećima tražili načine progovaranja o skrivenim neugodnim činjenicama i zločinima iz susjedstva. Autori/ce su se okupljali u inicijativama poput prosvjeda za vraćanje imena Trgu žrtava fašizma u Zagrebu ili Antiratnoj kampanji Hrvatske i pokretali organizacije poput Centra za mirovne studije, Delfina, Pravde i MIRamiDA Centra. Neki od njih su u nastojanju da potaknu proces suočavanja s prošlošću i ustanovljenje činjenične istine o ratu te pridonesu pomicanju javne diskusije s razine prijepora o činjenicama prema dijalogu o interpretacijama, osnovali su Documentu - Centar za suočavanje s prošlošću (u daljnjem tekstu Documenta) kako bi se sustavno bavili nasilnim naslijeđem od početka Drugog svjetskog rata. Ključni je razlog ovoga nastojanja iskustvo prešućivanja i falsificiranja ratnih zločina i ostalih ratnih zbivanja od 1941. do 2000. koje je utjecalo na noviju prošlost, kako Jugoslavije tako i post-jugoslavenskih država/društava. U tijeku svoga rada otvarali su svima mučna i važna pitanja. Iskustva koja su zabilježili nisu univerzalno primjenjiva, ali možda mogu poslužiti kao inspiracija za otvaranje dijaloga o prošlosti i primjerenim načinima pamćenja ubijen ih u različitim sredinama. Svjesni da u razmišljanju o naslijeđu prošlosti i izboru načina otvaranja teških pitanja u javnosti nema recepata, ponekad su polazili od sebe i vlastite obitelji, a ponekad su upirali prstom na globalne probleme. U vašem izboru neće biti važan redoslijed. Bez obzira hoće li vaše prvo pitanje dotaknuti osobni, obiteljski, institucionalni ili društveni krug, vodit će vas k zauzimanju stava prema nasilju i to u svim sferama. Pošto još uvijek živimo u isključivim društvima u kojima se sigurnost prečesto gradi na zatvaranju u skupine sunarodnjaka i/ili sumišljenika kojima nije stran ni radikalni nacionalizam ni ideološka isključivost ni ponižavanje ljudi druge nacionalnosti, kao ni ismijavanje ideoloških oponenata ili negiranje činjenica o počinjenim zločinima, u svom smo radu kretali od priznavanja i isticanja ljudskog dostojanstva ubijenih, stradalih, zlostavljanih, bez obzira na kojoj su se strani podjela zatekli zbog svoje pripadnosti ili geografskog usuda ili pak zbog svoga izbora i političkih uvjerenja. Možda s te vrijednosne platforme krenete i vi. Budući da je priznanje urođenog dostojanstva te jednakih prava temelj slobode, pravde i mira, sva ljudska bića rađaju se slobodna i jednaka u dostojanstvu i pravima, stoji u Preambuli i Članku 1. Opće deklaracije o ljudskim pravima, usvojene i proglašene na Općoj skupštini Ujedinjenih naroda 10. prosinca 1948.. Dok je još uvijek u tijeku borba za priznavanje u nju zapisanih prava možemo se zapitati koliko će nam desetljeća trebati da ‘nova ’ prava na istinu, pravični sudski postupak, reparacije i garanciju neponavljanja zločina, koja se u tijeku posljednjih desetak godina postupno afirmiraju unutar Ujedinjenih naroda, postanu standard priznat od strane većine svjetskih država? Čak i ako je riječ o stoljeću zagovaranja, ne bi nas smjela obeshrabriti sporost pomaka, jer svakodnevno zauzimanje stava prema nasilju puno znači povrijeđenima. Čak i u vrijeme diktature sudbina stradalog postaje vidljiva kad je prepoznaju drugi, izvan neposrednog obiteljskog kruga. Izgradnja povjerenja poslije rata i sukoba neodvojivo je povezana s priznavanjem patnje žrtava iz prošlosti, a u Hrvatskoj i drugim post-jugoslavenskim zemljama još uvijek žive suvremenici tri vala nasilja, Drugog svjetskog rata, poslijeratnog vremena nasilja nad političkim neistomišljenicima i ratova devedesetih. Odluka koliko daleko u prošlost će vas odvesti propitivanja i istraživanja za koja se odlučite nije jednostavna. U društvenim procesima prorade teškog naslijeđa nasilja nije lako, a katkada ni moguće, izdvojiti samo jednu grupu zločina, posebno u prepirkama koje dotiču traumatična iskustva samih sudionika. Svaka će inicijativa za produbljivanje dijaloga o prošlosti odlučiti što bi bilo relevantno razdoblje rada u kontekstu svoje zemlje. U zemljama s naslijeđem kolonijalizma ili ropstva bit će primjerice neophodno voditi računa o još više slojeva prošlosti. U ovom priručniku autori/ce će pretežno koristiti primjere iz Hrvatske u vezi tri sloja prošlosti čiji su suvremenici još uvijek živi. U drugim će se zemljama možda biti moguće usredotočiti samo na zadnji val nasilja ili će pak biti neophodno pogledati i nekoliko stoljeća unatrag, primjerice u vrijeme početaka kolonizacije. U dosadašnjem radu pokazalo se da osobno, obiteljsko, institucionalno i društveno suočavanje s prošlošću nije važno samo zbog zaštite prava pripadnika skupina stradalih u ratovima ili političkom nasilju, već je značajno i u procesu civiliziranja društva u cjelini. Otvorena, ukljućiva društva u kojima se ohrabruje horizontalna komunikacija o svim pa i neugodnim temama su uspješnija u svim pogledima. Proradom traume kroz suočavanje s prošlošću afirmiramo ukljućivost i otvorenost društva kao opće dobro koje treba štititi. Kako god krenuli u proces suočavanja s prošlošću to će od nas iziskivati osudu raspirivanja mržnje. Hoćemo li odabrati kao svoj put unutarnje razgovore u tišini vlastitog doma ili kritično sagledavanja najvažnijih odluka vladinih institucija, prvi bi korak dakle mogla biti osuda nasilja. Hoće li ta osuda prije svega utjecati na naš odnos prema sebi i našim najbližima ili ćemo pronaći način da je izrazimo u kritičkom komentiranju funkcioniranja svijeta oko nas, manje je važno od bitnog koraka osude svakog nasilja. Doseg vaše željene intervencije, istraživanje ili akcija ovisit će o vašoj mogućnosti uključivanja i motiviranja drugih. Nije nevažno hoće li inicijativa krenuti od želje jedne osobe da zabilježi svoja sjećanja za buduće generacije, razgovora dvoje zabrinutih ili od dugogodišnjih priprema iskusnih organizatora na pokretanje istraživaćko-dokumentacijskog centra koji će moći sustavno pratiti suđenja i dokumentirati ljudske gubitke. U trenucima revolta zbog gaženja vama važnih vrijednosti odluke o nekim akcijama će biti donesene praktično u trenu, a za odluke o pokretanju novih organizacija možda će trebati više godina. No prije nego uronimo u propitivanje metoda, ipak je na mjestu pitanje svrhe, čemu uopće suočavanje s prošlošću? Jedan mogući odgovor, koji se iskristalizirao u radu organizacija za ljudska prava, je da bi smanjili teret prošlosti koji onemogućava pun razvoj stvaralaštva u ratom i političkim nasiljem obilježenim društvima. Tek otkivanjem sustavno sakrivanih i prešućivanih podataka o stradanju te postupnim prihvaćanjem činjenica o zločinima stvaramo priliku za osobno i društveno iscjeljenje, a i prostor za ostvarivanje prava mladih na učenje povijesti utemeljene na činjenicama. Priručnik su uredili Emina Bužinkić, Igor Roginek, Goran Božičević, Ana Bitoljanu i Vesna Teršelič. Sadrži tekstove o faktografiji stradanja, snimanju osobnih sjećanja, priprem i javnog zagovaranja, i praćenju suđenja. Priručnik smatramo bogatim u njegovoj različitosti stilova, pristupa, jezika i iskustava. Nadamo se da će vam biti od pomoći.
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U ovoj knjizi donosimo transkript nekoliko izlaganja sa konferencije koju je Documenta organizirala u Zagrebu u rujnu 2013. godine s ciljem predstavljanja višegodišnjeg snimanja i objave intervjua na web stranici www.osobnasjecanja.hr. Uz komentare i pitanja nekih od sudionika konferencije, u knjizi možete pročitati uvodni tekst koji je na konferenciji izložila urednica kolekcije Maja Dubljević, te transkript izlaganja Vesne Jakumetović iz Vukovara, Ane Raffai iz Zagreba, te Đorđa Gunjevića iz Pakraca. Predstavljamo vam i dvije studije slučaja u kojima su korišteni snimljeni intervjui - studiju slučaja publicistkinje i istraživačice, Vesne Kesić „Španovica / Novo selo / Španovica: Znalo se? Nije se znalo?“ te studiju slučaja povjesničara Marka Smokvine “Stara Gradiška kao paradigma hrvatske povijesti 20. stoljeća”.
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The lexicon is divided into four chapters. The first one is a detailed introduction, where we present a professional background of our topic, the significance of our research, the structure of our work, as well as the used literature and sources, in addition to an overview of the Arab-Hungarian relations. In the second and longest chapter, we portray biographies of the Arab personalities. In the third one, we examine the most important historical events in the Arab world, such as the Arab-Israeli wars, the nationalization of the Suez Canal, and the parallel crisis of 1956. In the last chapter, we briefly introduce concepts related to the stories and biographies found in the volume.Only a few results of Arabic historiography have been integrated into modern Hungarian research. Therefore, we consider it a priority to fill this gap. The aim of this work is to create a lexicon in which we gather – in the form of articles – the most eminent Arab personalities (approximately 1000), who were/are decisive in political, economic, military or even cultural life and others associated with the Arab world.
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The cultural relations between India and Romania are interesting to study and to understand. India is a country of immense diversity, of extraordinary customs, and a genuine feast of opinions, which attracts researchers from all over the world. Romanians are people with a profound sensibility. The two cultures met on the common ground of spirituality and the results are remarkable, as it is shown in this special volume.
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Ekonomia instytucjonalna stała się ostatnio nie tylko popularnym podejściem badawczym, ale wręcz w niektórych obszarach nauk społecznych dominującym paradygmatem (…). Naukowcy badają instytucje gospodarcze i całe złożone zbiory instytucji, które warunkują i kształtują mechanizmy lub organizacje, takie jak „rynki” lub firmy. Analizują także instytucje zapewniające społeczne warunki funkcjonowania gospodarki, których przykładami są zarówno kodeksy prawne, jak i normy kulturowe. Wreszcie – badają wpływ gospodarki na nieekonomiczne wymiary społeczeństwa, w tym na przykład na systemy polityczne. Polska myśl instytucjonalna, wpisując się w ten globalny dyskurs, może również kształtować kierunki interpretacji zjawisk społeczno-gospodarczych, pokazując konsekwencje dokonywanych wyborów w szerokim, ale uwarunkowanym lokalnie i historycznie kontekście instytucjonalnym. Z wprowadzenia do książki.
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