Publisher: Centar za građansko obrazovanje (CGO)

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Through participation against corruption! – Anti-corruption mechanisms at the local level

Through participation against corruption! – Anti-corruption mechanisms at the local level

Author(s): Dina Bajramspahić,Jovana Marović,Milica Milonjić / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; municipalities; governance; transparency; corruption; NGO;

Corruption in local self-government is in direct correlation with the weaknesses of administration, from organizational to technical, managerial and human resources. Municipalities have a monopoly position in relation to providing of certain services, which represents a suitable frame for acts of corruption. Opportunities for corruption at the local level are broad, since almost all of the employees – from the ones occupying the lowest positions to the highest level of authority have direct contact with the beneficiaries. The most common forms of corruption in local self-governments are connected to exemption from paying of utility bills and taxes, financing of projects, works or services which should not be supported, or the provided support is much higher than is actually needed. Acts of corruption could also be linked to non-transparent recruitment in local self-government bodies or public institutions founded by the municipality; selling or leasing municipal land, procurement of goods or services conducted contrary to established rules or public procurement procedures, etc.

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How much is invested into the fight against corruption and organized crime and are there visible results in this respect?

How much is invested into the fight against corruption and organized crime and are there visible results in this respect?

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; crime; corruption; fight against corruption; investments; results;

The research “How much is invested into the fight against corruption and organized crime and are there visible results in this respect?” was established within the sub-programme of the Centre for Civic Education (CCE) Accountability and Transparency of the Government and it aims to raise awareness on the expenditures from the Budget of Montenegro and European Union funds. The specific objective of the project is to point out the investments in the fight against corruption and organized crime, as one of the key problems of Montenegro on its path towards the EU and the (in) visible results in this direction. CCE has conducted research in the period from 17 January to 6 February 2013, taking into account the funds for project activities in the field of fight against corruption and organized crime invested in Montenegro from 2007 to 2012, through the financial support received through the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance, as well as direct allocations from the Budget of Montenegro into the key bodies responsible for combating corruption and organized crime. Corruption and organized crime have been long lasting challenges in front of the Montenegrin way to the EU, along with an internal democratization of the country. In the fight against corruption and organized crime, it is essential to establish strong, efficient and professional institutions that will conduct this work, so that citizens of Montenegro could have confidence in the entire legal system. Therefore, the construction of these institutions include also their adequate financing, which should be a priority not only of the European Union which has been pointing out their weaknesses for years already, but also investing significantly through its funds in Montenegro for this purpose, but the Budget of Montenegro, which is nothing but a financial expression of its declared political will. Of course, it is necessary from time to time to make an assessment what are these resources, whom are they allocated to, are they corresponding to the visible results, and whether the declared political will is accompanied by track record.

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Protocol on treatment, prevention and protection from domestic violence

Protokol o postupanju, prevenciji i zaštiti od nasilja u porodici

Author(s): Olja Stojanović,Biljana Zeković / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: Montenegro; domestic violence; institutions; social wellfare; police; healthcare; judiciary; education;

Nasilje u porodici je najčešći, ali i najskriveniji, vid nasilja koji postoji koliko i samo čovječanstvo. Vijekovima se smatralo da je nasilje prema članovima porodice porodična, privatna stvar, pa su samim tim njegove razmjere bile nevidljive. Razvojem svijesti o ljudskim pravima, te pravima djece, žena i starijih u porodici u posljednje četiri decenije srušeni su brojni stereotipi o idealnoj porodici, kao što su na primjer uvjerenje o djetinjstvu kao najsretnijem razdoblju života, uvjerenje da su počinitelji seksualnog zlostavljanja najčešće osobe nepoznate žrtvi, uvjerenje o dostojanstvenoj starosti u krugu najbližih. Posljednjih decenija je nasilje u porodici postalo predmet šire društvene rasprave, naučnih istraživanja, briga brojnih društvenih i državnih institucija, a naročito nevladinih organizacija koje su istakle da je porodično nasilje (u kome su žrtve najčešće žene) jedan od najdrastičnijih oblika kršenja ljudskih prava. Klinička iskustva i empirijska istraživanja su pokazala da porodica kao osnovna jedinica društva nije samo podržavajuće okruženje koje pruža emocionalnu, socijalnu i materijalnu podršku članovima, već može biti i nasilno okruženje, pa sopstveni dom za koji kažemo da je utočište od surovog spoljnjeg svijeta postaje najopasnije mjesto u kojem se na najbrutalniji način krše osnovna ljudska prava njenih članova. Nasilje u porodici možemo odrediti kao skup ponašanja čiji je cilj kontrola nad drugim osobama upotrebom sile, zastrašivanjem i manipulacijom. Takvo određenje nasilja može se primijeniti u svim oblicima porodičnog nasilja – fizičko zlostavljanje, psihičko zlostavljanje, seksualno zlostavljanje i materijalno i radno iskorišćavanje. Nasilje u porodici predstavlja model ponašanja, u kome uglavnom muškarac, ostvaruje nadmoć i kontrolu nad drugima, korišćenjem fizičke ili psihičke prisile. Nasilju u porodici mogu biti izloženi svi članovi porodice, ali su najčešće žrtve ovog nasilja žene, djeca i starije osobe. Tolerisanje nasilja u porodici ima duboke korijene u kulturnim i patrijarhalnim obrascima ponašanja, koji podrazumijevaju rodno zasnovane strukture moći, podređenu poziciju žene, upotrebu fizičke snage kao legitimnog sredstva kontrole i moći prema ženi i slabijim članovima porodice. Patrijarhalni kulturni obrasci, koji su potpuno uspostavljeni i široko rasprostranjeni, su takvog karaktera da direktno i simbolički izražavaju i odražavaju autoritet i dominaciju muške grupe nad ženskom. Svi postupci muškaraca prema ženama i djeci, prema članovima porodice iz „nižih nivoa hijerarhije“, shvataju se kao pravo i obaveza „vaspitača“ da disciplinuju i uređuju unutrašnje odnose, da kažnjavaju neprivilegovane članove. Nasilje u porodici je izuzetno ozbiljan i složen problem sa kojim se susrijeću kako same porodice, tako i obrazovne i socijalne ustanove, organi unutrašnjih poslova i institucije pravosudnog sistema, nevladine organizacije. Ali, zakonski propisi, te pojedini strateški dokumenti, koji u svojim segmentima tretiraju problem nasilja, u praksi su teško primjenjivi jer ih nije pratilo: osiguranje infrastrukture koja je pretpostavka za sprovođenje zakona, osiguranje potrebnih sredstava, edukacija kadrova, umrežavanje nadležnih subjekata za primjenu legislative, uspostavljanje jedinstvene statističke baze podataka o žrtvama nasilja u porodici.

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Influence of political corruption on the decision making process at the local level

Influence of political corruption on the decision making process at the local level

Author(s): Nikola Djonović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; local self-government; governance; corruption; politics;

The project Corruption at the local level- zero tolerance aims at strengthening the role of civil society organizations, local self-government and competent state bodies in development of policies, monitoring and implementation of campaigns for reduction of corruption in local communities of Montenegro. In line with the principle of balance representation of the northern, central and southern parts of the country, the project encompasses 14 Montenegrin municipalities: Bar, Budva, Cetinje, Danilovgrad, Herceg Novi, Kolašin, Kotor, Mojkovac, Nikšić, Pljevlja, Plužine, Podgorica, Rožaje and Tivat. The intention of the authors of the analysis „Influence of political corruption on the decision-making process at the local level” is to examine one of the six identified areas2 - political corruption, through the role of political parties, i.e. its representatives and local self-government bodies. Existing legislative and institutional framework governing this area, media archives and examples from practice have been taken into account during collection of information. Local self-governments are facing a number of risks for emergence of corruption, whereas political corruption produces the most severe systematic consequences for the community. Aside from the fact that it has an adverse effect on the political system, making it dysfunctional, political corruption incites emergence of illegal corruptive (in)actions in many other fields, such as employment, public procurement procedures, concluding of public-private partnerships, in the field of spatial development and work of the local assemblies. Special problem for establishment of a more effective fight against corruption is indolence of the Supreme State Prosecution (SSP) in the cases where there is a reasonable doubt of elements of political corruption, i.e. that the actions of some councillors and party officials are in the zone of criminal liability. The fact that competent institutions, with emphasis on SSP failed to prosecute actions that had led to changing of the electoral will and inexistence of continuous fight against political corruption represent a serious constraint for democratization of Montenegrin society.

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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro? - 2014 Annual report

Equal chances for all media in Montenegro? - 2014 Annual report

Author(s): Ana Nenezić,Mira Popović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; media; 2014; report; RTCG; public broadcasting services; information access; law;

The project “Equal chances for all media” aims to contribute to the creation of clear oversight mechanisms for the public finances and for the allocation of state aid to the media, as required by the European Union regulations and the international standards and best practices. The more specific objective of this project is to raise the awareness among interested public about responsible management of the public budget, and analyse the relationship between the state institutions and the media in Montenegro as reflected in the financial allocations of public funds to the media in payment for specific services or through other forms of support. The public sector analysed in this study is defined by the Law on the Budget of Montenegro, and encompasses public institutions, municipalities (local self-government units), independent regulatory bodies, agencies and enterprises in which the state or the municipalities hold a controlling stake, the judiciary (courts and the prosecution), and others. The project builds on the previous work of the Centre for Civic Education (CCE) in this field, which produced annual reports for 2011, 2012, and 2013. These studies have raised the visibility of the problem of media financing in the Montenegrin public discourse, and became a reference for important international reports. Our findings highlighted countless shady areas in the public financing of the media in Montenegro, and stressed the need for better regulation in this area. They also highlighted the continuing attempts of the public bodies to exercise influence over media through selective and opaque financing, undermining the market competition, reinforcing unequal opportunities and thereby creating indirect pressure on editorial policies. The lack of transparency in financing as well as the lack of adequate criteria for the allocation of funds, alongside the incomplete legal framework, additionally undermines the already alarming state of the Montenegrin media. Considering that public administration and local self-government bodies spent EUR 2 642 070.83 in 2011 on advertising in a market that is altogether worth EUR 9 - 9.5 million, it is obvious that the state is a major, if not the largest customer for advertising services, capable of significantly influencing the revenues and the financial sustainability of individual media houses. In 2012 public spending on the media services decreased by nearly almost EUR 1 million to EUR 852 059.00 according to the CCE estimates, although this amount excludes the spending by local self-governments. In 2013, public administration and local self-governments bodies together spent EUR 2 196 739.00. This makes it clear that there was no reduction in the amount of public funds spent on advertising and other media services. On the contrary, if we bear in mind that the above amount includes only 67.6% of public sector entities from whom we could gather the data, the real expenditure is likely to be much higher. At the same time, our findings show a continued practice of opaque spending of public funds, without well defined rules and procedures. CCE’s findings drew the attention of the key international organisations. Among other, the European Commission’s 2015 Progress Report on Montenegro expresses: “concerns about transparency and nondiscrimination in state advertising... The precarious economic situation of journalists puts them at risk of editorial interference and possible self-censorship. The fact that many media outlets are not financially sustainable has a negative impact on the quality of reporting and professionalism.” Similar concerns were already expressed in the 2013 Progress Report, which found that “Concerns persist also regarding possible state aid and advertising funding allocated to print media in 2012, which were not in line with public procurement rules and could jeopardise competitiveness on the media market.” The 2015 Resolution on Montenegro of the European Parliament similarly warns that Montenegro should “adopt a clear legislative framework, which will establish rules related to media ownership and financing.” The international non-governmental organisation Reporters without borders ranks Montenegro 114th out of 180 countries on its World Press Freedom Index for 2015, which combines assessment on categories such as violence against media, pluralism, media independence, self-censorship, legislative framework, transparency and infrastructure. The only country in the region that was ranked worse than Montenegro is Macedonia, which came 117th. SEEMO Report on state of media in Montenegro for 2014 cited CCE’s findings, as did the last three reports of the US State Department on the state of human rights in Montenegro. Freedom House’s report “Nations in transit 2015”, lowered Montenegro’s rating on independence of the media from 4.25 to 4.50 on 1-7 scale (where 1 stands for best and 7 for the worst level of independence). Last but not least, CCE’s prior work on this problem led the renowned Paris-based international organisations World Association of Newspapers and News publishers and the Centre for international media assistance to choose CCE as the partner for their first report “Eroding freedoms: media and soft censorship in Montenegro”. In the interest of continuous monitoring of this area, CCE conducted a new study that compiles data for 2014 and provides the updated, comprehensive overview of the allocation of public funds to media in 2014, along with comparison to the previous years. The study is accompanies by specific recommendations on the ways to secure transparency and determine criteria for the allocation of public funds to the Montenegrin media that would be in line with the acquis communitaire on the freedom of expression and independence of the media, competition, state aid, and public procurement. Without a clear mechanism for the allocation of state aid to the media, these funds have the potential to create severe distortions of the media market, through discrimination and in violation of the EU competitiveness policy. This is all the more troubling when it is being done with public funds. The citizens, as tax payers, have the right to know how their money is spent, and whether the way in which the state allocates the public funds interferes with the impartial reporting of the performance of public institutions, or obstructs the development of media pluralism. This report warns of the existence of a mechanism used to control and exert pressure on the media, and provides recommendations on the ways to end bad practices that deprives Montenegrin citizens of their right to free and independent media and thereby of objective, accurate reporting on the activities of the government, political parties, institutions, as well as other issues of public importance.

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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro?

Equal chances for all media in Montenegro?

Author(s): Ana Vujošević,Mira Popović,Jovana Marović,Tanja Maksić,Wanda Tiefenbacher / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; media; public service broadcasting; policy; public finances;

The aim of the project “Equal chances for all media” is to contribute to creating of clear mechanisms and control of state financing and state aid given to the media, in line with the regulations of the European Union and best international practices and standards. Additionally, general goal of the project is to raise awareness of the public about responsible spending of the funds from State Budget of Montenegro, by pointing out to the relations public sector in Montenegro has towards the media through expenditures based on contractual agreements. Public sector, as a subject of a research, according to the Law on Budget of Montenegro, comprehends state bodies, municipalities (units of local self-government), independent regulatory bodies, public institutions and commercial enterprises where the state or municipalities own majority of shares, judiciary (courts and prosecutions), Protector of Human Rights and Freedoms and others. In order to achieve those goals, Centre for Civic Education (CCE) from February to December 2014, in line with the Law on Free Access to Information, gathered data related to that to which media, public relations agencies, production houses and public opinion poll agencies, and in which amount have the public bodies transferred funds, either based on service providing agreements, specialized services or any other grounds. Besides these findings, the publication contains analysis of media legislative and institutional framework, comparative experiences in the region and member states of European Union, as well as recommendations on how to improve existing practices. The project was based on previous work done by the CCE in this area, reflected in two annual reports for 2011 and 2012 titled: “How much and to who do the citizens in Montenegro pay for advertising?” Findings in these researches showed that there is a lack of clarity when it comes to financing of the media from the budget, and also that there is a need to bring order into this field. Tendency on the side of state bodies has been spotted to keep influence over media through selective and non-transparent financing, which directly makes the competition vulnerable through creating of non-equal conditions on the market, and also to “subtly” influence editorial policy. Lack of transparency in this process and (non)existence of proper criteria for allotment of the funds, accompanied with incomplete legislative framework has additional negative influence over already troublesome media scene in Montenegro. Having in mind that state bodies and bodies of local self-government in 2011 spent 2, 642,070.83 EUR on advertising, specialized media services and on other grounds, while on the other hand the overall media advertising market is between 8-9 million EUR, it is quite clear that in 2011 the state was big, if not the largest player on the market, which significantly influenced income of some media, and consequently their sustainability. In 2012 we noticed decrease of almost one million EUR for these expenses, so that the overall amount CCE team managed to find was 852.059.00 EUR, having in mind that this amount only includes spending of the Government and the Parliament, and does not include expenses of local self-governments as the report from 2011. However, the reduction of expenses was not result of following of recommendations and efforts made to bring order in this field, but mostly reflects limitations of financial capacities of state bodies. These findings of CCE attracted the attention of relevant international actors. The European Commission in its Progress Report for Montenegro states: “Concerns remain that the state is in breach of the law on the media, which prohibits the state from founding print media. Concerns persist also regarding possible state aid and advertising funding allocated to print media in 2012, which were not in line with public procurement rules and could jeopardize competitiveness on the media market. Also the report of the State Department on Human Rights in 2013 states: “Private media claimed that governmentowned enterprises openly discriminated in favor of the government-owned newspaper “Pobjeda” in the placement of advertising, despite the newspaper’s smaller circulation and more limited influence than its private competitors. On February 20, the NGO Centre for Civic Education reported that during 2012 “Pobjeda” received 93,000 EUR ($130,000) from government institutions for advertising, compared with the combined total of 21,000 EUR ($28,000) received by the three other private newspapers, “Vijesti”, “Dan”, and “Dnevne Novine”. The NGO concluded that there were no clear criteria by which government institutions chose media to advertise their activities, since the current selection did not appear to correspond to independent measures such as public trust, popularity, or the media companies’ pricing policies.” In order to continuously monitor this area, there was a need to once again conduct extensive research that would gather data for 2013. The research would provide comprehensive and updated overview of distribution of public funds to media for that year through analysis of obtained information, as well as through comparative analysis having in mind previous reports. The additions to the survey are specific recommendations (by local and international experts) about how to ensure transparency and what kind of criteria should be considered when allocating public funds for the media in Montenegro, in order for this process to be in line with the Acquis communitaire in the field of freedom of expression, independence of the media, competition, state aid allocation and public procurement. Without a clear mechanism for the allocation of state aid to media, the distribution of these resources has the potential to cause serious deviations in the media market and jeopardize the functioning of some media or to enhance the business of other media on discriminatory grounds and contrary to EU competition policy. It causes serious concerns when public funds are used for such purposes. Citizens, as taxpayers have a right to know how public funds are spent, and whether the method of distribution of these funds affects the impartiality of media coverage of state authorities and to which extent such distribution supports (or not) pluralism of the media. This report indicates the existence of the mechanism through which control and the pressure against media can be exercised. It also offers recommendations how to end such practice, which denies citizens of Montenegro right to have free and independent media that are able to accurately and impartially report about activities of state authorities, political parties, other institutions, and also about issues of public interest.

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Eroding Freedoms: Media and Soft Censorship in Montenegro

Eroding Freedoms: Media and Soft Censorship in Montenegro

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković,Ana Vujošević / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; media; censorship; soft censorship; politics; governance; democratization;

In Montenegro, soft censorship is exercised primarily through politicised, discretionary and non-transparent distribution of public money and subsidies to media. Lack of transparency and standard and equitable procedures in allocation of public funding seriously distorts the media market, improving business prospects of some outlets and endangering the existence of others. This is directly related to how favourably or critically media outlets report on governmental activities. The media landscape in Montenegro is deeply and widely politicised. A sharp division between “supporters” and “critics” of state policies has grown more vivid in recent years. There are on-going attempts to diminish the influence of some media outlets on the Montenegrin public. “Hard censorship” has included violence against journalists—the murder of the editor-in-chief of daily Dan, Dusko Jovanovic, on 27 May 2004, remains unresolved, as do most attacks on journalists and on media property, which doubtless evokes self-censorship among media practitioners concerned with self-preservation.2 Much more common in recent years is soft censorship: indirect, often financial pressures, intended to weaken the capacities and even threaten the viability of targeted media outlets that criticize the government. “Soft censorship” is defined as an attempt by government to influence media reporting through various forms of pressures, without recourse to legal bans, open censorship of news content or direct physical attacks against media infrastructure or journalists. The notion of “soft censorship” as a form of official pressure on media is detailed in a 2005 paper by the Open Society Justice Initiative. It describes three principal forms of soft censorship: abuse of public funds and monopolies, abuse of regulatory and inspection authorities, and paralegal pressures.3 All these exist in Montenegro today. Additional reports by WAN-IFRA and the Center for International Media Assistance have raised awareness of this escalating problem.4 This paper catalogues the forms and maps the extent of soft censorship by Montenegro’s state and public institutions against media outlets and media practitioners. This is done primarily through the lens of finances, which is the dominant means of soft censorship in the country. Included is an overview of instruments that facilitate or limit official financial support: allocation of advertising services by public institutions to favoured media; selective distribution of subsidies and other state aid; paid content; and other forms of administrative and technical assistance or obstruction. The study covers public institutions relevant to media and soft censorship across the three branches of government, as well as other sociopolitical actors significant to understanding this problem in the Montenegrin context. The research team faced several challenges; no such research has been conducted before, and information from public sources was in many cases limited or released only very slowly. Moreover, the topic is taboo to many journalists who fear criticizing media owners or the government, and who sometimes have scant awareness of the mechanisms and impact of soft censorship. The lack of transparent and consistent procedures for distribution of public funds to media has substantial influence on media freedoms in Montenegro. This report presents evidence that public institutions have sought to manipulate media outlets and influence their editorial policies by selective and non-transparent financing. This also seriously undermines competition and inhibits development of a sustainable media market. Opacity in state media funding is aggravated by an inadequate implementation of the legal framework for media support, further opening opportunities for official actors to exploit media for partisan purposes. This report describes various means for distributing public funding to media through which political actors exercise control or pressure on media content and viability. It analyses mechanisms of potential influence of public institutions on media editorial policies, and gives examples of abuse of public funds to manipulate media reporting to pursue partisan political goals. This report’s key findings summarize challenges concerning soft censorship in Montenegro. Its recommendations urge actions that would reverse the erosion of media freedom in Montenegro—and improve prospects for development of free independent and pluralistic media that could provide the accurate, impartial reporting on activities of the government, political parties and other institutions required to promote democratisation of Montenegrin society and governance.

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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - 2015 Annual report

Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - 2015 Annual report

Author(s): Ana Nenezić / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; media; public service broadcasting; politics; public finances; policy; 2015; report;

The project “Equal chances for all media” aims to contribute to the creation of clear oversight mechanisms for the public finances and for the allocation of state aid to the media, as required by the European Union regulations and the international standards and best practice. The general objective of project is to raise awareness among the interested public about responsible management of the public budget, and analyse the relationship between the state institutions and the media in Montenegro as reflected in the financial allocations of public funds to the media on various grounds. The study focuses on the public sector as defined by the Law on the Budget of Montenegro, which encompasses public institutions, municipalities (local self-government units), independent regulatory bodies, agencies and enterprises in which the state or the municipalities hold a controlling stake, the judiciary (courts and the prosecution), Ombudsman, and others. Centre for Civic Education (CCE) first flagged this issue five years ago, and has been monitoring it ever since. The result of our efforts so far have been four national and one international report, which serve as the go-to reference on media financing in the country for various international actors. For the purpose of continuous monitoring of this problematic area, this year we again conducted another comprehensive study to collect information on the size and distribution of financial resources allocated by public sector bodies to the media in 2015 on grounds on service provision contracts, specialised services or other. The recipients included the media, PR agencies, production houses and public opinion polls. The analysis provides up-to-date and comprehensive review of the allocation of public funds to the media in 2015, at the national as well as the local level. We also compiled an illustrative overview of three-year trends in the allocation of public money for the financing of media in Montenegro.

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Elections and ethical principles - a proposal to improve the ethical behavior of the authorities for the implementation of elections in Montenegro

Izbori i etički principi – prijedlog unaprijeđenja etičkog postupanja organa za sprovođenje izbora u Crnoj Gori

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: elections; ethics; principles; Montenegro; elections implementation;

Prateći odredbe člana 32 Zakona o izboru odbornika i poslanika i usvojene Strategije za borbu protiv korupcije i organizovanog kriminala za period 2010- 2014, Državna izborna komisija je na sjednici održanoj 20. decembra 2010. godine, donijela Etički kodeks organa za sprovođenje izbora u Crnoj Gori (u daljem tekstu: Etički kodeks). Posljedično, Etički kodeks je stekao status pravnog akta nakon zvaničnog objavljivanja. Etički kodeks organa za sprovođenje izbora podijeljen je u četiri poglavlja: Poglavlje I – Opšte napomene kojim se definišu primjena, cilj i sadržaj kodeksa; Poglavlje II – Principi kodeksa koji uređuju oblast dužnosti i zabrane članova organa za sprovođenje izbora; Poglavlje III – Nadzor nad sprovođenjem kodeksa; i Poglavlje IV – Završne odredbe. Sadržaj donijetog Etičkog kodeksa u većoj mjeri zadovoljava evropske izborne standarde. Ali, karakteriše ga parcijalna limitiranost u sadržinskom smislu što rezultira u pojedinim poglavljima nedovoljnom razrađenošću opštih postulata na kojima počiva profesionalni obrazac ponašanja, standardi i principi rada članova Državne izborne komisije Crne Gore (DIK), opštinskih izbornih komisija (OIK) i biračkih odbora (BO). Ovaj nedostatak posebno je vidljiv u odredbama koje se odnose na redefinisanje cilja kodeksa, uvođenje načela i vrijednosti, i upotpunjavanje u dijelu nadzora nad sprovođenjem kodeksa. U strukturalnom smislu, Etički kodeks je, takođe, u većoj mjeri adekvatno i primjereno uređen, pokrivajući skoro sve oblasti (primjena, cilj i sadržaj, dužnosti i zabrane članova organa za sprovođenje izbora, nadzor nad sprovođenjem kodeksa, završne odredbe) radi stvaranja efikasnog i efektivnog mehanizma poštovanja pravila ponašanja propisanih njihovim nadležnostima. Međutim, gotovo istovjetno kao i u sadržinskom smislu, i u strukturalnom kontekstu Etički kodeks demonstrira određene praznine koje bi trebalo popuniti uvođenjem novog poglavlja koje se prevashodno odnosi na „obaveze upoznavanja sa sadržajem Kodeksa svih članova organa koji stupaju na dužnost.“ U konačnici, analiza Etičkog kodeksa u suštinskom smislu ukazuje da je izborni etički kodeks svrsishodan i vrijednosno utemeljen u sadržinskom i strukturalnom okviru posljedično obezbjeđujući u većoj mjeri konkretna i kredibilna pravila ponašanja za članove organa za sprovođenje izbora. No, uočljivi su određeni sadržinski nedostaci, konceptualne i strukturalne manjkavosti koje bi trebalo riješiti u nastupajućem periodu.

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Collapse of freedoms: media and covert censorship in Montenegro

Urušavanje sloboda: mediji i prikrivena cenzura u Crnoj Gori

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković,Ana Vujošević / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: Montenegro; media; freedoms; politics; policy; financing; public service broadcasting; censorship;

U Crnoj Gori, prikrivena cenzura se primarno vrši kroz političku, diskrecionu i netransparentnu raspodjelu budžetskog novca i državne pomoći medijima. Nedostatak transparentnosti, mjerila i nepristrasnih procedura prilikom opredjeljivanja javnih fondova medijima proizvodi ozbiljne devijacije na medijskom tržištu, čime se poboljšava poslovanje jednih medija a dovodi u pitanje egzistencija drugih. Ovo je direktno povezano i sa tim da li ove medijske kuće prilikom izvještavanja o vladinim aktivnostima imaju podržavajući ili kritički pristup. Medijska scena u Crnoj Gori je duboko i široko ispolitizirana. Oštra podjela na „podržavaoce“ i „kritičare“ državnih politika posebno je postala jaka posljednjih nekoliko godina. Takođe, kontinuirani su pokušaji da se uticaj jednog dijela medija u crnogorskoj javnosti ograniči. „Otvorena cenzura“ je uključivala nasilje nad novinarima – ubistvo glavnog i odgovornog urednika dnevnika Dan Duška Jovanovića, 27. maja 2004.godine, ostaje nerazjašnjeno, kao i većina napada na novinare i imovinu medija, što nesumnjivo izaziva autocenzuru među medijskim poslenicima koji se trude da opstanu. Posljednjih godina, mnogo češća pojava je prikrivena cenzura: indirektni, česti finansijski pritisci, usmjereni ka slabljenju kapaciteta, pa čak i ugrožavanju održivosti ciljanih medija koji kritikuju vlasti. „Prikrivena cenzura“ se definiše kao pokušaj vlasti da utiču na medijsko izvještavanje kroz različite oblike pritisaka, a bez upotrebe zakonske zabrane, otvorene cenzure sadržaja vijesti ili direktne fizičke represije prema medijima i novinarima. Pojam „prikrivene cenzure“, kao oblik pritiska na medije od strane državnih organa, podrobno je objašnjen u dokumentu Inicijative za pravdu Fondacije za otvoreno društvo iz 2005.godine. U njemu su opisana tri osnovna oblika prikrivene cenzure: zloupotreba javnih fondova i monopola, zloupotreba regulatornih i inspekcijskih ovlašćenja, kao i para-legalni pritisci. Sva tri navedena oblika postoje u Crnoj Gori danas. Dodatni izvještaji WANIFRA i Centra za međunarodnu pomoć medijima su podigli svijest javnosti o ovom rastućem problemu. Ovaj dokument sadrži oblike i mapira obim prikrivene cenzure od strane crnogorskih državnih i javnih institucija u odnosu na medije i medijske poslenike. Ovo je urađeno, uglavnom, kroz prizmu finansija, koje su ujedno i dominantno sredstvo prikrivene cenzure u zemlji. Takođe, uključen je i pregled instrumenata koji olakšavaju ili ograničavaju zvaničnu finansijsku podršku: raspodjela reklamnih servisa favorizovanim medijima od strane organa javnog sektora; selektivna dodjela subvencija i drugih oblika državne pomoći; plaćeni sadržaj; i drugi vidovi administrativne i tehničke pomoći ili opstrukcija. Ova studija uključuje organe javnog sektora relevantne za medije i prikrivenu cenzuru i to iz sve tri grane vlasti, kao i ostale društveno-političke aktere od značaja za razumijevanje ovog problema u crnogorskom kontekstu. Istraživački tim se suočio sa nekoliko izazova: niko ranije nije sprovodio slično istraživanje i informacije iz javnih izvora su u većini slučajeva bile ograničene ili prilično sporo dostupne. Osim toga, ova tema je tabu za većinu novinara koji se plaše kritikovanja vlasnika medija ili vlasti i koji su nerijetko slabo upoznati sa mehanizmima i uticajem prikrivene cenzure. Nepostojanje transparentnih i konzistentnih procedura u raspodjeli javnih fondova za medije bitno utiče na medijske slobode u Crnoj Gori. Ovaj izvještaj predstavlja dokaze o tome da javne institucije pokušavaju da manipulišu medijima i da utiču na njihovu uređivačku politiku putem selektivnog i netransparentnog finansiranja. Ovo, takođe, ozbiljno podriva konkurenciju i koči razvoj održivog tržišta medija. Netransparentnost finansiranja medija od strane organa javnog sektora otežava i neadekvatna primjena pravnog okvira vezanog za podršku medijima, što dalje daje mogućnost zvaničnim akterima da iskoriste medije za partikularne interese. U ovom izvještaju su opisane različite mjere za raspodjelu javnih sredstava medijima putem kojih politički akteri vrše kontrolu ili pritisak nad sadržajem i održivošću medija. Analizirani su i mehanizmi potencijalnog uticaja javnih institucija na uređivačke politike medija i dati primjeri zloupotrebe javnih sredstava radi manipulacije u izvještavanju medija a u cilju ostvarivanja partikularnih političkih interesa. Glavni nalazi ovog izvještaja rezimiraju ključne izazove vezane za prikrivenu cenzuru u Crnoj Gori. Preporuke pozivaju na akcije koje bi zaustavile urušavanje medijskih sloboda u Crnoj Gori i unaprijedile izglede za razvoj slobodnih, nezavisnih i pluralističkih medija koji bi mogli obezbijediti tačno i nepristrasno izvještavanje o aktivnostima vlade, političkih partija i drugih institucija dužnih da promovišu demokratizaciju crnogorskog društva i načina upravljanja.

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Electoral rebus of the 2016 parliamentary elections - A contribution to the development of political memory in Montenegro

Izborni rebus parlamentarnih izbora 2016. Godine - Prilog razvoju političkog pamćenja u Crnoj Gori

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: Montenegro; 2016; elections; rebus; political parties;

Izbori, izborna kampanja, politički dogovori, postizborne koalicije i konačno – prestrukturiranje vlasti nakon svakog četvorogodišnjeg perioda predstavljaju najdinamičnije periode političkog života svakog društva. Angažujući sve svoje resurse, političke partije i koalicije se takmiče za osvajanje vlasti, odnosno za što veći opseg političkog uticaja. One ulaze u trku sa manje ili više osmišljenim izbornim programima i obećanjima koji im donose određen broj mandata. No, tek djelovanje političke partije ili koalicije nakon izbora i stepen pridržavanja datim obećanjima daje najmjerodavniji odgovor na pitanje da li smo napravili dobru odluku tako što smo dali svoj glas određenoj partiji ili koaliciji.

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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - Annual report for 2016

Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - Annual report for 2016

Author(s): Ana Nenezić,Dragoljub Duško Vuković / Language(s): English

Keywords: Media; Montenegro; 2016; public service broadcasting; finances; policy; report;

Project “Equal chances for all media” aims to contribute to promotion of media freedom and media pluralism in Montenegro, in accordance with regulations of European Union and best international practices and standards. More precisely, the project aims to mitigate the process of creation of clear mechanisms for allocation and control over financing of media from public funds and allocation of state aid to media in Montenegro, in order to harmonise this system with international standards and best practices which encourage development of media freedoms. Project is also focused on improvement of awareness of interested public in regards to responsible money expenditure from the Budget of Montenegro, indicating on relation of public sector in Montenegro toward media, through financial allocations on various grounds. Public sector, as subject of research, according to Law on Budget of Montenegro, includes state organs, municipalities (local self-government units), independent regulatory organs, public institutions and companies wherein state or municipalities have majority ownership share, judiciary (courts and prosecutions), Protector of Human Rights and Freedoms and others. Centre for Civic Education (CCE) first introduced this issue in Montenegro, and has been monitoring it closely for five years now. In this regard, CCE has produced five national and one international report that are relevant sources for numerous domestic and international addresses, though they still remain insufficiently used by Montenegrin institutions. Research for 2016 was conducted in this framework, within which there was information collected on media, informative agencies, public relations agencies, production houses, and etc. that were allocated financial resources from public sector organs on the basis of agreements on provision of services, specialised services, or other grounds. Analysis was produced that provides an updated and comprehensive overview of allocation of public funds on national and local level during 2016 to abovementioned subjects. Considering that certain trends are already being identified, cross section of total allocations for 2013 – 2016 is also provided. In addition, this publication contains review on media normative and institutional framework, as well as analysis of efficiency of implementation of Law on Free Access to Information and Law on Public Procurement (in the part of obligation of public sector organs to publish all tender documentation timely on the portal of public procurement of Public Procurement Administration of Montenegro). Finally, in relation to underlying themes, publication offers conclusions and recommendations for improving existing state, including proposals for amendments of appropriate legislative framework, which CCE has been advocating for quite some time now, so that this area would be harmonised with international standards in the area of freedom of expression and media independence, competition, state aid allocation and public procurement. Findings from previous five national reports and an international one have indicated existence of numerous irregularities and understatements when it comes to financing of media and related subjects from the Budget of Montenegro, as well as the need to regulate this area adequately. As it was observed, public sector organs have a tendency to maintain their influence through selective and non-transparent financing, thereby directly violating market conditions and competition, and exerting indirect pressure on editorial policy. Insufficient transparency of this process and the (non)existence of precise and binding criteria for allocation of funds, along with underived legal framework, additionally affects the ever-deteriorating state in Montenegrin media. Considering that the estimated advertising market in Montenegro amounts to EUR 9.5 – 10 million on annual level, amounts that are being allocated from public funds to media and related subjects lead to conclusion that state remains individually one of the key factors able to shape this market to detriment, or for the benefit of certain media, thereby their sustainability. According to available data of CCE, mostly relating to information that have been acquired from 66% or 67% of public sector organs, around 2.5 million Euros are being invested in media and related subjects from public funds on annual level, not including the additional 30% of organs that refuse to submit their information. This means that this is a realistic minimum figure, reasonably assumed to be significantly, if not twice, higher. In addition, this does not include allocations for public broadcaster RTCG, nor for local public broadcasters, with the addition of which a sum of at least 17 million Euros per year would be reached. Continued insistence on unclear mechanisms for allocation of budget funds to media will lead to further deviations on media market and it will jeopardise the functioning of some, or improve the operation of other media on discriminatory basis and contrary to competition policy of EU. Citizens, as tax payers, have the right to be informed on manner and criteria of spending of public funds, as well as whether the manner of allocation of those funds affects impartial reporting of media on state organs and decision-makers, i.e. to which extent that allocation (does not) support the pluralism of media and whether it helps or hinders development of timely, objective and impartial reporting. An important consequence of disorganisation in this area is the ever-present soft censorship, which accelerates the erosion of media independence in Montenegro. Furthermore, self-censorship is being strengthened as well as the already conspicuous polarisation of media, but also a poor quality of journalism which – as such – cannot adequately contribute to public debate when it comes to important matters of democratisation and Europeanisation of Montenegrin society, since it often neglects the code of journalists and professional standards. Causes should be sought in the fact that media were, and still remain, critical actors of clarification of numerous misuses by the government. There is not small number of cases in Montenegro when media, via investigative journalism, launched issues from various spheres, on which the public otherwise would not be informed. Those cases are drawing large attention of not just domestic, but of international public as well, thereby demonstrating the importance of media in the fight against corruption, abuse of political power, as well as against all forms of violation of human rights. However, in order for media to execute their monitoring role, they must be politically and financially independent in their work, operate under precisely regulated legal norms and free of inappropriate external political influences. Without clear mechanism and criteria of allocation of tax payers’ money, a dangerous space for interventions of government on media market is being opened. This report indicates paths which can be used to exert control and pressure on media and provides recommendations that would put an end to such poor practice, which deprives the citizens of Montenegro of their right to free and independent media, which accurately and impartially report on activities of government, political parties and other institutions, as well as on other subjects of public interest.

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I have the right to know! - Report on transparency of local selfgovernments on example of capital city Podgorica, Kotor and Pljevlja

I have the right to know! - Report on transparency of local selfgovernments on example of capital city Podgorica, Kotor and Pljevlja

Author(s): Mira Popović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; governance; local self-government; Kotor; Podgorica; Pljevlja; transparency;

The right of citizens of Montenegro to information of public importance is guaranteed by legal framework. However, in practice, local self-governments still do not show sufficient level of responsibility and transparency in work. This results in often unnecessary complication of citizens’ lives during their efforts to solve numerous current and existential issues, but also hinders overall reform processes and calls into question their legitimacy. Local self-governments still have numerous deficiencies in the part of access to information of importance for citizens, which brings them into a bureaucratized labyrinth, that takes away important time and other resources from parties and bodies of public administration. Considering benefit and awareness of citizens, both those who were or will be parties in proceedings before bodies of state administration or local self-government, it is necessary that work of local self-governments is rendered more transparent which includes also far faster and better availability of data and documents prescribed by laws on municipalities’ webpages. Reform processes in Montenegro, unfortunately, do not progress in a desired pace, hence, even in this area, we identify numerous deficiencies in fulfilment of obligations of local self-governments, especially in the part of transparency of work that is at the same time also one of efficient manners of prevention but also fight of corruption. Numerous reports of international actors and civic sector in Montenegro indicate that even the system established by the Law on Free Access to Information is insufficiently defined in part of monitoring and enacting supervision over respect of the same, and passivity of local self-governments to implement this Law, especially to proactively post information on their work on official Internet pages is also aggravating. Report on transparency of local self-governments, with the focus on municipalities of Kotor, Pljevlja and Podgorica, was created within the framework of project ‘I have the right to know – responsible municipalities in the service of citizens’ that is financed from funds of the European Union and Kingdom of Netherlands through regional project WeBER.

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Are municipalities in Montenegro fighting against corruption and how?

Are municipalities in Montenegro fighting against corruption and how?

Author(s): Ana Nenezić / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; governance; municipalities; corruption; transparency;

Report Are municipalities in Montenegro fighting against corruption and how? gives an overview of results of local self-governments in the application of mechanisms of prevention and fight against corruption at the local level in Montenegro during 2017 and the first half of 2018. In this regard, the report contains new information in relation to application of defined measures and activities through several strategic documents, to which results of application we have given a first review in the previous report Think Locally – Act Locally which has covered the period until 2016. The observed reporting period has been marked by inertness of municipal administrations in relation to undertaken obligations defined by national documents, as well as the lack of initiative for their own designed activities. Activities of the central level of government in establishing of institutionally-normative anti-corruption framework did not influence encouragingly the local level of government in the part of implementation of adequate anti-corruption policies and mechanisms at the local level. Data that local self-governments in Montenegro, in the last two years (2016 and 2017) do not have reported corruption cases is not surprising, considering that the majority has still not passed local action plans for fight against corruption for 2017-2018, that they have not prepared and passed internal instructions for keeping records of reports of corruption inside the institution and conduct upon reports, to which they were obliged according to adopted integrity plans. Also, according to direct experiences of researchers from the field, local self-governments do not have either established systems and clear procedures for reporting corruption by citizens, which altogether points out to system not being functional. Obligations undertaken within the accession negotiations with the European Union, dominantly through the Chapter 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) are not being fulfilled, and reporting about them is being done imprecisely, which is causing additional concern. The report of the European Commission for 2018 states: ‘The action plan of Montenegro for Chapter 23 outlines comprehensive reforms to prevent and combat corruption. It is complemented by an ‘operational document’ adopted in 2016 which sets out additional measures to prevent corruption in certain areas particularly vulnerable to corruption, such as public procurement, privatisation, urban planning, education, healthcare, local government and police. The impact of these measures, however, remains limited and Montenegro should develop more effective sector-specific plans for the prevention of corruption.’ Previous recommendations of the European Commission were similar, but obviously with no affect since the local action plans for fight against corruption were not adopted in the majority of Montenegrin municipalities, while integrity plans are being approached to strictly formalistically. Underived system of jurisdiction still remains a problem and it is hard to monitor realisation of anti-corruption documents at the local level due to un-availability of reports on realisation. Precondition of successful fight against corruption is a functional anti-corruption legislative and institutional framework, as well as continuous, consistent and contentfull implementation of strategic documents. Therefore, lack of results should be sought precisely in the inefficiency of the set system, but also in the selected formalistic approach to this issue by the authorised institutions at the national and at the local level. Results of local self-governments in the direction of prevention and fight against corruption, in the observed reporting period are almost non-existent and precisely reflect this impermissible relation. The report covers the period from January 2017 to September 2018 and includes 23 local self-governments in Montenegro. The focus is on two key mechanisms and the effects of their implementation - the local action plan for fight against corruption at the local level and the integrity plan. An overview of the (un)realised measures for the stated period is given, through analysis of the available reports submitted by authorised institutions at the national and local level, as well as through research conducted by utilising the provisions of the Law on Free Access to Information. In addition, the system was tested using the ‘mystery shopper’ method, and results have confirmed the findings obtained by analysing key anti-corruption documents

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Are municipalities in Montenegro fighting against corruption and how?

A luftojnë komunat në mal të zi kundër korrupsionit dhe si?

Author(s): Ana Nenezić / Language(s): Albanian

Keywords: Montenegro; governance; municipalities; corruption; transparency;

Raporti A luftojnë komunat në mal të zi kundër korrupsionit dhe si? jep përmbledhjen e rezultateve të vetëqeverisjeve vendore në zbatimin e mekanizmave për parandalimin dhe luftën kundër korrupsionit në nivel lokal në Mal të Zi gjatë vitit 2017 dhe në gjysmën e parë të vitit 2018. Në këtë kontekst, raporti përbenë informata të reja për zbatimin e masave dhe aktiviteteve të përcaktuara me një sërë dokumentesh strategjike. Përmbledhjen e parë të zbatimit të tyre e kemi bërë në raportin paraprak, Mendo lokalisht – vepro lokalisht, i cili mbuloi periudhën deri në vitin 2016. Periudhën e analizuar raportuese e karakterizoi plogështia e administratave vendore ndaj obligimeve të marra përsipër dhe të definuar me dokumentet kombëtare, si dhe mungesa e iniciativës për aktivitetet e menduara vet. Aktivitetet e nivelit qendror për vendosjen e kornizës institucionale dhe normative antikorruptive nuk nxitën nivelin vendor të pushtetit në pjesën e zbatimit të politikave dhe mekanizmave adekuate antikorruptive në nivel lokal. Prandaj nuk befason fakti që vetëqeverisjet vendore në Mal të Zi, në dy vitet e fundit (2016 dhe 2017) nuk kanë raste të denoncimit të korrupsionit, duke marr parasysh se shumica e tyra akoma nuk i miratoi planet lokale të veprimit për luftë kundër korrupsionit për vitin 2017 - 2018, që nuk kanë përgatitur udhëzimet e brendshme për evidentimin e denoncimit të korrupsionit brenda institucioneve dhe veprimit në bazë të denoncimeve, e që ishin të obliguar ta bëjnë sipas planeve të integritetit. Po ashtu, sipas eksperiencave të drejtpërdrejta të hulumtuesve në terren, vetëqeverisjet vendore nuk i kanë të përcaktuar sistemet dhe procedurat e qarta për denoncimin e korrupsionit nga ana e qytetarëve/eve, që tregon se sistemi nuk është funksional. Obligimet e marra përsipër në kuadër të negociatave anëtarësuese në Bashkimin Evropian, sidomos përmes kapitullit 23 (Gjyqësori dhe të drejtat themelore), nuk plotësohen, ndërsa për to vazhdon raportimi i jo precizë, që shkakton brengosje shtesë. Në raportin e Komisionit Evropian për vitin 2018 shkruan: “Plani i Veprimit i Malit të Zi për kapitullin 23 përfshinë elementet bazë të reformave gjithëpërfshirëse në fushën e parandalimit të korrupsionit dhe luftës kundër korrupsionit. Atë e plotëson “Dokumenti operativ”, i miratuar në vitin 2016, në të cilin përcaktohen masat shtesë për parandalimin e korrupsionit në fusha të caktuara, të cilët janë në veçanti të ndjeshëm ndaj korrupsionit, siç janë prokurimet publike, privatizimet, planifikimi hapësinor, arsimi, mbrojtja shëndetësore, vetëqeverisja vendore dhe policia. Mirëpo, ndikimi i këtyre masave vazhdon të jetë i kufizuar dhe Mali i Zi duhet të zhvillojë plane më të efektshme për parandalimin e korrupsionit të cilët do të jenë të lidhur konkretisht me sektorët individual”. Të ngjashëm ishin edhe rekomandimet e mëparshme të Komisionit Evropian, por siç duket pa ndikim sepse planet lokale të veprimit për luftë kundër korrupsionit nuk janë miratuar në shumicën e komunave malazeze, gjersa qasja ndaj planeve të integritetit është tërësisht formaliste. Mungesa e përcaktimit të sistemit të kompetencave mbetet problem dhe është shumë vështirë të përcillet realizimi i dokumenteve antikorruptive në nivel lokal për shkak të mungesës së raportit për realizim. Parakusht i luftës së suksesshme kundër korrupsionit është korniza legjislative dhe institucionale funksionale antikorruptive, si dhe zbatimi i vazhdueshëm, konsistent dhe i cilësor i dokumenteve strategjike. Prandaj, arsyen e mungesës së rezultateve duhet kërkuar pikërisht në jo-efikasitetin e sistemit të vendosur, por edhe në qasjen e zgjedhur formaliste ndaj kësaj çështje nga ana e institucioneve kompetente në nivel kombëtar dhe lokal. Rezultatet e vetëqeverisjeve lokale në parandalimin dhe luftën kundër korrupsionit, në periudhën e analizuar raportuese, pothuajse nuk ekzistojnë dhe pikërisht pasqyrojnë këtë qasje të papranueshme. Raporti mbulon periudhën prej janarit të vitit 2017 deri në shtator të vitit 2018 dhe përfshinë 23 vetëqeverisje lokale në Mal të Zi. Fokusi u vendos në dy mekanizma kyç dhe efektet e zbatimit të tyre – planin lokal të veprimit për luftë kundër korrupsionit në nivel lokal dhe planin e integritetit. U dha pasqyrimi i masave të (pa)realizuara për periudhën e përmendur, përmes analizës së raporteve ekzistuese të dorëzuara nga ana e institucioneve kompetente në nivel kombëtar dhe lokal, por edhe përmes hulumtimit duke shfrytëzuar dispozitat e Ligjit për qasje të lirë në informata. Përveç kësaj, sistemi u testua edhe me zbatimin e metodës “blerësi sekret” (ang. Mystery shopper), ndërsa rezultatet kanë vërtetuar gjetjet e fituara me analizën e dokumenteve kyçe antikorrupitive.

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Work of prosecutions and courts in fight against corruption at the local level - Analyses

Work of prosecutions and courts in fight against corruption at the local level - Analyses

Author(s): Bojan Božović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; judiciary; courts; prosecution; corruption; criminal law;

Corruption is a social problem which has existed since ancient times and which is devouring the society from inside at various levels. It is a problem that exists in all modern societies. The perception of citizens, both laic and professional public, is that corruption in Montenegrin society exists at a worrying level, which has spread to the extent that it creates negative matrixes of relations in everyday life. The consequences of this are felt both through moral aspects in the form of ‘distorted consciousness and system of values’, as well as through legal, economic and other parameters. Although corruption exists in society from ancient times, all societies in a principle are always negating the existence of corruption and corruptive practise in general. Especially their holders of public functions and official ‘statistics’. Un-readiness of authorised institutions to deal with problem is certainly one of the most important ailments. Fight against corruption is possible exclusively at all levels. However, for this purpose it is necessary to set also an adequate legal basis in terms of adoption of quality legal acts but also through acceptance of relevant international-law sources. When it comes to Montenegro, this matter is stipulated via certain international sources but also via positive-law regulations (laws)

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Supported projects within the call for support to civil society organizations (CSOs) in the field of fighting corruption

Podržani projekti u okviru poziva za podršku organizacijama civilnog društva (ocd) u oblasti borbe protiv korupcije

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: Montenegro; corruption; youth; fight against corruption; supported projects;

Opšti cilj projekta bio je osnaženje ličnog integriteta mladih u Crnoj Gori uzrasta od 14-18 godina u pogledu povećanja njihove spremnosti da prijave koruptivna djela i da se ponašaju u skladu sa zakonom. Specifični cilj projekta bio je unaprijeđenje svijesti mladih o važnosti spriječavanja koruptivnih radnji, putem šest interaktivnih teatarskih radionica kod najmanje 150 crnogorskih srednjoškolaca/ki, utičući na podizanje svijesti najmanje 2,000 učenika/ca. Ostvareni rezultati: 1. Osnažen integritet, smanjena spremnost na korupciju i povećana spremnost da prijave korupciju kod 150 učenika/ca, učesnika/ca teatarskih radionica. 2. Podignuta svjest o korupciji kod 2000 učenika/ca srednjih škola. 3. Unaprijeđena svijest o važnosti podrške mladima u procesu borbe protiv korupcije.

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How much are Montenegrin local self-governments (non)transparent? - Analysis of transparency of the work of 23 local self-governments in Montenegro

How much are Montenegrin local self-governments (non)transparent? - Analysis of transparency of the work of 23 local self-governments in Montenegro

Author(s): Mira Popović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; governance; transparency; local self-governance;

The public administration system in Montenegro is undergoing reform interventions for decades with the aim of harmonizing with the best European standards and practices, which should, among other things, make public administration more accessible to citizens. An important parameter of improving public administration work is transparency, which is also the focus of this research. In assessing the level of transparency of local self-governments, two cross section points were chosen. The first is a crosscheck of manner of local self-governments’ resolving issues and their one-year performance in resolving requests for free access to information, with proceedings upon complaints that have arisen as a result of initiated and cases which have been resolved unfavourably for the party, including those relating to the administration silence, therefore, in accordance with the Law on Free Access to Information these data were requested from all local self-governments. The second cross-cutting point is an assessment to which extent the 23 local self-government’ websites in Montenegro contain information that must be accessible to citizens under the provisions of Article 12 of the Law on Free Access to Information. Transparency of work of local self-governments in Montenegro chronically represents one of the weaker points of the system. There is a high degree of tolerance to non-compliance with the provisions of the Law on Free Access to Information by authorised bodies, there are also numerous different interpretations of the same provisions of this Law by the officials who deal with the requests, and inadequate staff solutions are notable with the ever-increasing administration silence. All this causes a large number of complaints filed to the Agency for Personal Data Protection and Free Access to Information, which itself as well, due to a lack of staff, has the problem of resolving cases within a reasonable time. The latest amendments to the Law on Free Access to Information that have further restricted access to information and closed the system by giving discretionary right to managers of bodies to mark documents as business or tax secret without providing a deadline stating the reasons for restricting access to information, are consequently cumulatively strengthening a rather low degree of transparency of work of local self-governments. The Strategy of Public Administration Reform in Montenegro 2016-2020 recognizes a reduced level of transparency in processes such as conducting public procurement, budgeting and recruiting new staff. The same problems are also pointed out by the European Commission’s Report on Montenegro for 2018 and the Report on Implementation of Action Plan for implementation of Chapter 2 for period January-June 20183. Thus, the key planned activities are aimed at improving transparency in the planning process, the adoption of acts and their implementation with the respect of the principle of participation and establishment of a transparent public procurement procedure in accordance with the Law on Public Procurement. The SIGMA Monitoring Report on Montenegro also warns about the problem of nonavailability of data on employees and their earnings, which is part of a proactive publication of data. This paper provides a cross section of the observed parameters along with basic guidelines as to how to overcome some of the identified problems related to (non) transparency of local self-governments. The first part deals with the manner of resolving of local self-governments’ bodies and overview of the data obtained as per requests for free access to information sent to local self-governments, after which availability of data on websites of municipalities was processed in detail in comparison with the application of Article 12 of the Law on Free Access to Information. From this, conclusions and key recommendations for improvement of the existing system were made.

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Law on Spatial Planning and Building Construction - All power is in one place

Zakon o planiranju prostora i izgradnji objekata - Sva moć je na jednom mjestu

Author(s): / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: Montenegro; spatial planning; building construction; legislation;

Donošenje novog Zakona o planiranju prostora i izgradnji objekata predstavlja jednu od najkontroverznijih zakonodavnih inicijativa od državnog osamostaljivanja Crne Gore. Prilikom čestih izmjena prethodnog zakona, koji je definisao ovu oblast, bilo je jasno da Vlada ide u sve veću centralizaciju. Ipak, predlaganjem novog propisa Vlada je veoma jasno stavila do znanja da će se od sada isključivo na centralnom nivou odlučivati o planiranju crnogorskog prostora. Novo zakonsko rješenje izazvalo je brojne kontroverze i zbog ukidanja obaveze da se prije početka radova pribavi građevinska dozvola, ograničavajući time mogućnosti inspekcije da obavlja valjanu kontrolu izgradnje objekata. Ovim propisom poništen je i nedavno usvojeni zakon kojim je definisan proces legalizacije nezakonito izgrađenih objekata. To je sada u ingerenciji novog zakona. Zbog brojnih nedostataka u Zakonu, na koje su ukazivali predstavnici struke, civilnog društva, opozicije, dijela vladajuće koalicije, ali i međunarodne zajednice, stekao se utisak da je Vlada ostala usamljena u ovoj inicijativi. Lideri i poslanici pet parlamentarnih opozicionih partija podnijeli su predlog za ocjenu ustavnosti ovog zakona i postupak pred Ustavnim sudom još je u toku.

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Inspection supervision report - landscaping - construction of facilities

Inspekcijski nadzor izvještaj - uređenje prostora - izgradnja objekata

Author(s): / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: spatial planning; building construction; Montenegro; facilities construction; inspection; report; illegality;

Inspekcijski nadzor u oblasti uređenja prostora i izgradnje objekata pokazao se kao nedovoljno efikasan da se izbori sa gorućim problemom nelegalne gradnje u Crnoj Gori. U proteklom periodu Inspekcija za urbanizam, Inspekcija za građevinarstvo i Inspekcija zaštite prostora definitivno nijesu uradile dovoljno da zaštite crnogorski prostor od ekstenzivnog uništavanja. Novi Zakon o planiranju prostora i izgradnji objekata, usvojen u jesen 2017, unio je velike promjene i u oblast inspekcijskog nadzora. Dok naša zemlja hronično pati od ogromnog broja nelegalno sagrađenih objekata, kojih je prema procjenama više od 100 hiljada, aktivnosti tri inspekcije koje su bile zadužene za oblast uređenja prostora i izgradnje objekata po zakonu koji je važio do pred kraj 2017. godine više su nego skromni. Od 2014. godine, kada je posljednji put izmijenjen stari zakon, pa do njegovog stavljanja van snage, tri inspekcije su ukupno izvršile više od 13 hiljada inspekcijskih pregleda, a utvrdile postojanje svega 2.800 nepravilnosti. Kroz prekršajne naloge naplaćeno je manje od 40 hiljada eura kazni, dok je kroz vođenje postupaka pred sudom za prekršaje naplaćeno dodatnih oko 100 hiljada eura. Samo je jedna od tri inspekcije tokom cijelog četvorogodišnjeg perioda imala zaposlene sve inspektore koji su predviđeni aktima o sistematizaciji, a podaci iz izvještaja pokazuju da što je neka inspekcija imala manje ljudi, manji je imala i prosjek inspekcijskih pregleda po jednom inspektoru. Za sve ovo vrijeme, sve tri inspekcije zajedno podnijele su oko 450 krivičnih prijava, ali one nemaju javno dostupne podatke o ishodima krivičnih postupaka. Liste investitora i izvođača radova za koje je utvrđeno da su kršili propise iz oblasti uređenja prostora, koje je objavljivala Uprava za inspekcijske poslove, broje znatno manje subjekata od broja nepravilnosti koje su inspekcije utvrdile. Ipak, i u takvim, više nego skromnim listama, prisutna su veoma sporna pravna ili fizička lica, uključujući preduzeća u vlasništvu države i neke kontroverzne biznismene koje su mediji dovodili u vezu sa raznim nezakonitostima.

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