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Analiza krize francuskog franka
Extract from the issue 1/1938 of the journal Znanost i život
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Extract from the issue 1/1938 of the journal Znanost i život
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The Paris Climate Conference to be held in December may be the last chance to deliver a globalagreement on tackling climate change. One issue that could be a game-changer for the negotiationsand one that is inevitable to achieve global climate goals is so-called climate finance. The existingframework does not provide enough predictability and capacity to limit global warming to a maximumof 2°C. A clear mechanism for gathering public funds from developed countries and the inclusion ofprivate investments is needed to secure reliable post-2020 climate actions.
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Blamed for many of the country’s problems, but at the same time under-researched and ineptly understood, the hidden economy phenomenon has, for many years, been insufficiently tackled by Macedonian academic and political elites. During the past few years, a renewed interest in the topic has led towards its more systematic treatment by institutions, but still largely based on approximations, lack of coordination between institutions and under-evaluation of policy measures. This treatment of the problem opens the floor to many speculations regarding the effectiveness of policies and their actual impact on reducing the size of hidden economy. The analysis, prepared by the Center for the Study of Democracy and the Center for Research and Policy Making (CRPM), involves a review of existing reports and data on the hidden economy in Macedonia as well as the available international sources. It reviews the current policy initiatives and whether these have been evaluated, as well as any planned future initiatives. The document aims to address some of the key issues through representing cross-section of existing data on the hidden economy in Macedonia and relevant policies, with the intention to review and summarize the knowledge-base on the issue and provide recommendations for better tackling the problem.
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Blamed for many of the country’s problems, but at the same time under-researched and ineptly understood, the hidden economy phenomenon has, for many years, been insufficiently tackled by Macedonian academic and political elites. During the past few years, a renewed interest in the topic has led towards its more systematic treatment by institutions, but still largely based on approximations, lack of coordination between institutions and under-evaluation of policy measures. This treatment of the problem opens the floor to many speculations regarding the effectiveness of policies and their actual impact on reducing the size of hidden economy. The analysis, prepared by the Center for the Study of Democracy and the Center for Research and Policy Making (CRPM), involves a review of existing reports and data on the hidden economy in Macedonia as well as the available international sources. It reviews the current policy initiatives and whether these have been evaluated, as well as any planned future initiatives. The document aims to address some of the key issues through representing cross-section of existing data on the hidden economy in Macedonia and relevant policies, with the intention to review and summarize the knowledge-base on the issue and provide recommendations for better tackling the problem.
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The Center for the Study of Democracy, in collaboration with the Center for Research and Policy Making (CRPM) elaborated a series of policy briefs analyzing the hidden economy in Macedonia. The topics encompass the issues of countering undeclared labour, tax evasion and fraud, media reporting on hidden economy and corruption, etc. The current policy brief underlines that undeclared work, being one of the main manifestations of hidden economy, becomes the bull’s-eye for many countries focusing on reshaping their social and economic policies in order to tackle this issue, especially since the onset of the economic crisis that hit Europe and the World in 2008. The most recent economic indicators coming from Europe show that this crisis has not concluded and European economies are yet to deal with its mid and long-term consequences. Macedonia and other Western Balkan countries are not exempt from this process, with job creation and policies targeting unemployment (28.2% as of Q2 2014) being a major concern and a focal point of political activity. Low growth prospects in the EU and sluggish economic conditions forecasted in 2014 are also limiting Macedonia’s growth prospects, which at this point are still positive at around 4% GDP growth annually (4.3% as of Q2 2014). The authors highlight several key points: According to results from the population survey, the proportion of employees with a primary employment receiving ‘envelope’ payments or temporary service contracts in addition to their salary is about one-third of the employed population; Almost 7% of employees work without a contract and are not being paid social security contributions. Combined with the abovementioned fact, this indicates the salary of about 40% of employees with a primary employment is partially or completely undeclared; More than half of employers confirm that signing contracts with ‘hidden clauses’ happens in their sector; Macedonia’s main focus in tackling undeclared work, just as most Eastern European Countries, is on Labor Law violations). Repressive measures and others aimed at improving detection are the dominant policy approach.
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The Center for the Study of Democracy, in collaboration with the Center for Research and Policy Making (CRPM) elaborated a series of policy briefs analyzing the hidden economy in Macedonia. The topics encompass the issues of countering undeclared labour, tax evasion and fraud, media reporting on hidden economy and corruption, etc. The current policy brief underlines that undeclared work, being one of the main manifestations of hidden economy, becomes the bull’s-eye for many countries focusing on reshaping their social and economic policies in order to tackle this issue, especially since the onset of the economic crisis that hit Europe and the World in 2008. The most recent economic indicators coming from Europe show that this crisis has not concluded and European economies are yet to deal with its mid and long-term consequences. Macedonia and other Western Balkan countries are not exempt from this process, with job creation and policies targeting unemployment (28.2% as of Q2 2014) being a major concern and a focal point of political activity. Low growth prospects in the EU and sluggish economic conditions forecasted in 2014 are also limiting Macedonia’s growth prospects, which at this point are still positive at around 4% GDP growth annually (4.3% as of Q2 2014). The authors highlight several key points: According to results from the population survey, the proportion of employees with a primary employment receiving ‘envelope’ payments or temporary service contracts in addition to their salary is about one-third of the employed population; Almost 7% of employees work without a contract and are not being paid social security contributions. Combined with the abovementioned fact, this indicates the salary of about 40% of employees with a primary employment is partially or completely undeclared; More than half of employers confirm that signing contracts with ‘hidden clauses’ happens in their sector; Macedonia’s main focus in tackling undeclared work, just as most Eastern European Countries, is on Labor Law violations). Repressive measures and others aimed at improving detection are the dominant policy approach.
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he Center for the Study of Democracy, in collaboration with the Center for Research and Policy Making (CRPM) elaborated a series of policy briefs analyzing the hidden economy in Macedonia. The topics encompass the issues of countering undeclared labour, tax evasion and fraud, media reporting on hidden economy and corruption, etc. The current policy brief underlines that undeclared work, being one of the main manifestations of hidden economy, becomes the bull’s-eye for many countries focusing on reshaping their social and economic policies in order to tackle this issue, especially since the onset of the economic crisis that hit Europe and the World in 2008. The most recent economic indicators coming from Europe show that this crisis has not concluded and European economies are yet to deal with its mid and long-term consequences. Macedonia and other Western Balkan countries are not exempt from this process, with job creation and policies targeting unemployment (28.2% as of Q2 2014) being a major concern and a focal point of political activity. Low growth prospects in the EU and sluggish economic conditions forecasted in 2014 are also limiting Macedonia’s growth prospects, which at this point are still positive at around 4% GDP growth annually (4.3% as of Q2 2014). The authors highlight several key points: According to results from the population survey, the proportion of employees with a primary employment receiving ‘envelope’ payments or temporary service contracts in addition to their salary is about one-third of the employed population; Almost 7% of employees work without a contract and are not being paid social security contributions. Combined with the abovementioned fact, this indicates the salary of about 40% of employees with a primary employment is partially or completely undeclared; More than half of employers confirm that signing contracts with ‘hidden clauses’ happens in their sector; Macedonia’s main focus in tackling undeclared work, just as most Eastern European Countries, is on Labor Law violations). Repressive measures and others aimed at improving detection are the dominant policy approach.
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he Center for the Study of Democracy, in collaboration with the Center for Research and Policy Making (CRPM) elaborated a series of policy briefs analyzing the hidden economy in Macedonia. The topics encompass the issues of countering undeclared labour, tax evasion and fraud, media reporting on hidden economy and corruption, etc. The current policy brief underlines that undeclared work, being one of the main manifestations of hidden economy, becomes the bull’s-eye for many countries focusing on reshaping their social and economic policies in order to tackle this issue, especially since the onset of the economic crisis that hit Europe and the World in 2008. The most recent economic indicators coming from Europe show that this crisis has not concluded and European economies are yet to deal with its mid and long-term consequences. Macedonia and other Western Balkan countries are not exempt from this process, with job creation and policies targeting unemployment (28.2% as of Q2 2014) being a major concern and a focal point of political activity. Low growth prospects in the EU and sluggish economic conditions forecasted in 2014 are also limiting Macedonia’s growth prospects, which at this point are still positive at around 4% GDP growth annually (4.3% as of Q2 2014). The authors highlight several key points: According to results from the population survey, the proportion of employees with a primary employment receiving ‘envelope’ payments or temporary service contracts in addition to their salary is about one-third of the employed population; Almost 7% of employees work without a contract and are not being paid social security contributions. Combined with the abovementioned fact, this indicates the salary of about 40% of employees with a primary employment is partially or completely undeclared; More than half of employers confirm that signing contracts with ‘hidden clauses’ happens in their sector; Macedonia’s main focus in tackling undeclared work, just as most Eastern European Countries, is on Labor Law violations). Repressive measures and others aimed at improving detection are the dominant policy approach.
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This working paper is an output of the European Commission’s FP7 "Marie Curie Industry-Academia Partnerships and Pathways" (IAPP) project entitled "GREY - Out of the shadows: developing capacities and capabilities for tackling undeclared work in Bulgaria, Croatia and FYR Macedonia". The aim of the paper is to provide a conceptual framework for understanding the policy approaches for tackling undeclared work. In doing so, the intention is to provide the structure for a future comprehensive review of the policy measures available for tackling undeclared work.
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These however do not necessarily call for the flat rate tax of the design experimented in several of the new market economies. The study argues as well that vertical flattening in itself tends to redistribute the tax burden towards the mid-income groups. Furthermore it cautions that the expectations that the flat income tax will limit tax evasion might be overly optimistic. The paper suggests alternative supply side tax incentives.
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The present report has the objective to provide an overview of the general framework and particular dimensions of the corporate governance in Bulgaria. It is published for the first time and the authors intend to continue its publication on an annual basis. In its present form, the study contains information thus far unavailable to the professional community and the media. The evaluations and analyses herein are the first attempt to outline the achievements and the problems in the field of corporate governance in Bulgaria in the years of transition. The authors of the report thus aim to encourage a wider discussion on the subject and that, as a result, practical improvement action will be undertaken.
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Bulgaria welcomes foreign investment in the ongoing process of privatization, including, of course, American investment. This short paper describes Bulgaria’s privatization regulations, the transactions completed to date, the program for 1995, and three new instruments in privatization, namely: (a) the mass privatization scheme, (b) internal debt-for-equity swaps, and (c) foreign debt-for-equity swaps. We hope that this information will be of interest to the participants in the Bulgarian-American Economic Cooperation Forum.
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From 1990 until the end of September 1994, sixty-nine investments of declared American origin were registered at the Ministry of Finance. Forty-three of them were made in Bulgarian Leva. The total volume of American investment is 18,662,000 USD, or 6.5% of the total foreign investment inflow to Bulgaria (in comparison, Germany invested 177,305,000 USD). The United States place fifth in terms of invested capital in Bulgaria.
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The beginning of the reforms in the economy brought about the establishment of a market for consulting services. Its formation was determined on the one hand by the appearance of demand for consulting services, and on the other - by the wide range of legal and economic analyses, expert evaluations and recommendations offered by the rapidly growing number of private persons and firms engaged in this specific sphere of the economy.
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The beginning of the reforms in the economy brought about the establishment of a market for consulting services. Its formation was determined on the one hand by the appearance of demand for consulting services, and on the other - by the wide range of legal and economic analyses, expert evaluations and recommendations offered by the rapidly growing number of private persons and firms engaged in this specific sphere of the economy.
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In 2015 Bulgaria has regained one position compared to the previous year in the economic competitiveness ranking of the World Competitiveness Yearbook (WCY), published by the Institute for Management Development (IMD). The country is ranked 55th out of 61 economies. This is only a marginal improvement and remains significantly lower compared to its highest achievement in 2009 – 38th place. The ranking highlights two particular commonalities among the best ranking countries. Firstly, nine countries from the top 10 are also listed in the top 10 of the business efficiency factor. And secondly, all top positions are occupied by economies which are driven by innovation-based growth. In the policy brief the Center for the Study of Democracy provides the following recommendations for increasing the competitiveness of the Bulgarian economy: • Tackle high level corruption and state capture; • Modernize public administration and strengthen independent regulators; • Adopt education for innovation-based growth; • Tackle energy poverty, energy intensity and supply dependency; • Improve the country’s branding.
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CEFTA sporazum pretpostavlja stvaranje boljih uslova za razvoj trgovine među državama potpisnicama, kao jedan od preduslova bržeg razvoja ekonomije ovih zemalja. Iako je uspostava zone slobodne trgovine otvorila tržišta zemalja članica i pružila nesumnjivo velike mogućnosti u ekonomskoj saradnji, ipak, stječe se dojam da je ova zona još uvijek daleko od potpuno funkcionalnog tržišta. Neujednačena brzina kojom zemlje napreduju na svom putu ka članstvu u EU i u WTO vodi do toga da se i ključni zakoni i reforme zakonodavstva odvijaju neujednačenom dinamikom, što je samo po sebi prepreka ka realizaciji ciljeva CEFTA u potpunosti. Uzmimo za primjer samo BiH, koju je Evropska komisija čekala skoro četiri godine da konačno usvoji Zakon o sistemu državne pomoći u Bosni i Hercegovini koji je usvojen u februaru 2012. godine. Nije mnogo bolja situacija ni sa sistemom javnih nabavki u BiH, koji, iako pravni institut, zapravo predstavlja itekako značajno ekonomsko pitanje. Iako je Zakon o javnim nabavkama u BiH usvojen još 2004. godine, potreba unaprijeđenja sistema javnih nabavki je definisana u svim dokumentima koji prate napredak reformi u BiH na putu ka EU. Evropska komisija u svom godišnjem Izvještaju o napretku BiH za 2012. godinu ukazuje da nije bilo značajnih pomaka u unapređenju ove oblasti. Treba li podsjećati kolike su mogućnosti za korupciju upravo u ovoj oblasti, a koja, takođe, utječe na narušavanje konkurencije, kako na domaćem, tako i na međunarodnom planu, što ugrožava vanjsku trgovinu BiH, posebno u oblasti pružanja usluga, koje su dobrim dijelom još uvijek u rukama monopola. Pored neujednačenosti dinamike reformskog puta svake države ponaosob, nameće se i problem koji se ogleda u opredjeljenosti država da se takmiče u izvoznoj moći jednih naprema drugih, dok je mogućnost saradnje kroz specijalizaciju privreda zbog zajedničkog nastupa na drugim tržištima, stječe se utisak, izostala. Privredni subjekti su daleko od uvezivanja zbog zajedničkog nastupa na tržištu, od čega bi najveću korist imali potrošači, dobivši kvalitetniju i jefitniju robu, te posebno uslugu. Mnogi pokazatelji o radu Parlamentarne skupštine i Vijeća ministara BiH potvrđuju tezu da BiH zaostaje za svim svojim susjedima po mnogim parametrima. Evropski zakoni, značajni za trgovinu, posebno za trgovinu uslugama, ne usvajaju se potrebnom brzinom. I dalje je prisutan trend po kojem se više zakona obara nego usvaja, usljed čega se stiče dojam da među političkim akterima BiH jednostavno nema ni volje, ni kapaciteta, da nastave reformske procese. Enitetska nadležnost, odnosno primat principa koordinacije naspram subordinacije, predstavlja problem, kako u osiguravanju jedinstvenog tržišta unutar BiH, tako i u vanjskotrgovinskim odnosima BiH. Ovo upućuje na tezu da upravo javne politike BiH zapravo koče ovu državu u njenom procesu trgovinske integracije, kako u regionalnom, tako i u svjetskim okvirima. Zbog ovog problema, BiH ima nove probleme u vidu prepreka koje joj stoje na putu u članstvo u WTO. Upravo su javne politike BiH te koje institucionalno djeluju na rascjepkavanje tržišta BiH, što svakako nije stimulativno za poslovni ambijent i djeluju negativno na širenje trgovine uslugama, koja je u BiH toliko neznatna da ju se čak ne uzima u obzir prilikom analize trgovine sa zemljama CEFTA Sporazuma. Očito je da je na vlastima BiH najveća odgovornost za nastavak reformskog puta i za integraciju tržišta BiH u evropsko i svjetsko. Neophodno je hitno okrenuti pravac djelovanja, a dovoljno je u tom smislu jedostavno pratiti susjede, ispuniti uslove koje pred nas stavlja EU, ne dozvoliti da u pitanje dođe Sporazum o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju, ne dozvoliti da budemo sankcionirani zbog jednostranih mjera u okviru CEFTA, te usvajati zakone koji će unaprijediti ekonomiju i konačno BiH okrenuti ka integrisanju u svjetske tokove, a ne u njenu dalju izolaciju.
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Services of general economic interest in European law have a special legal status because of the public interest involved in their performance. Since the initial instrument of restriction of market freedom of services on a single European market for consumer protection, the concept of services of general economic interest has evolved to the legal principle of respecting access to services of general economic interest, which presupposes a universal service and a protected customer of the household category. After accession to the European Union, the concept of services of general economic interest in Croatian legislation gradually replaces the notion of public services.
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Bulgaria has been caught between the EU’s net-zero carbon ambitions for 2030 and 2050 and the country’s slow democratisation and diffusion of renewables and energy efficiency. To develop effective policy measures, the Bulgarian government needs to draw evidence-based consistent decarbonisation pathways for each economic sector with annual targets for continuous monitoring. This is especially true considering that there is so far little connection between the government’s own strategic documents (i.e., the 2030 National Development Programme, the National Recovery and Resilience Plan and the National Energy and Climate Plan) and the EU’s long-term objectives for a low-carbon transition. This Policy Brief plots Bulgaria’s options along three scenarios with a 2050 horizon using an innovative decarbonisation transition modelling instrument, called The Calculator. It helps bridge the gap between the complicated integrated climate and energy models and the practical dilemmas of policy-makers preparing Bulgaria’s long-term decarbonisation strategy.
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The European Green Deal pledge of the incoming European Commission confirms that energy transition and the European Energy Union will remain centre stage in European policy-making. The combination of new regulatory and technological innovations, the deepening of the interactions between energy and climate policies, and the corresponding shifts in individual and collective behaviour opens new opportunities for business and society to benefit from the energy transition. But they also provoke new governance challenges to both policy makers and citizens. The advent of the prosumer, the energy producing consumer, as a foundation of successful energy transition, requires profound changes at the EU, national, local, and household level. In particular, the need for increasing the social acceptability and public awareness of energy transition policies, puts new emphasis on the energy security four-fold challenge of availability, reliability, affordability and sustainability. Solving this complex challenge requires understanding of the factors influencing household prosumption choices, in the first place. But it also calls for adequate energy transition policy choices and effective tools to steer quickly through the changing energy security landscape.Europe, as a large energy consumer faces different choices from individual member states. Navigating these choices has become more complex and challenging amid continuing environmental challenges, the souring of US – China trade relations and the resurgent Russia confrontation. Consumers have grown more concerned with the rising cost of energy transition, in particular in lower income member states in Central and Eastern Europe. Russia’s strategic political projects in gas supply like Nord Stream 2 and Turkish Stream have divided the European Commission and member states. Similarly, LNG terminals and shale gas development have attracted supporters and opponents, with no common European policy in sight. New nuclear power plants such as Paks II in Hungary, Hinckley Point in the UK, Belene in Bulgaria have underscored the importance of designing and implementing socially inclusive and sustainable policies alongside the economic benefits and energy security.
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