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Am asistat la falimentul rețetei de campanie electorală de tip clasic
Interview with Dan Sorin MIHALACHE
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Interview with Dan Sorin MIHALACHE
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Interview with Dan SULTĂNESCU
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After PSD has lost the presidential elections in 2014, we are in a new context in which we need to discuss the possible decisive erosion of PSD electorate. We will analyze sociological data to see to what extent this possible erosion is based on something real or is just wishful thinking of PSD opponents
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The role of the public sphere has increasingly come to the fore in studies concerning the state of democracy in Europe. Similarly the role of culture in formations and transformations not only of personal but of political identities as well has attracted attention. It is the purpose of this article to bring these areas together in a comprehensive approach to media, culture and democracy with a view of the public sphere as a crucial mediating field. Article focuses on the role of media in sustaining and developing democracy, a democratic dialogue and in fulfilling the role of media as the critical watchdog of the political system and other powerful players on the European scene. The concept of knowledge democracy is meant to enable a new focus on the relationships between knowledge production and dissemination, the functioning of the media and our democratic institutions. The emerging concept of knowledge democracy moreover obliges us to realise that the institutional frameworks of today’s societies may appear to be deficient as far as the above mentioned undercurrents, trends and other developments demand change. Democracy is without a doubt the most successful governance concept for societies during the last two centuries. It is a strong brand, even used by rulers who do not meet any democratic criterion. Representation gradually became the predominant mechanism by which the population at large, through elections, provides a body with a general authorization to take decisions in all public domains for a certain period of time. Fragmentation of values has lead to individualisation, to uniqueness but thereby also to the impossibility of being represented in a general manner by a single actor such as a member of parliament. More fundamentally media-politics destroy the original meaning of representation.
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Research on relations between art and politics has its tradition. However, it mainly refers to literature, whose part, as far as its authors’ intentions are concerned, is of a political character, in a lesser degree – of a picture. Sound, especially if it is not linked to a text and/or a picture, is considerably more seldom analyzed from the point of view of its importance in politics. As long as a word and a picture happen to convey unequivocal political meaning, qualified as such by most recipients, sound cannot be obviously considered a political message. It is questionable whether music can convey any meaning in whatever sense. If one can manage to suppress this doubt, it will result in a question how to construe the senses conveyed through the medium of melodic – rhythmic structures. However, the findings in the field of widely understood humanities affirm that music serves as a creator’s message directed to both individual and collective receivers. Political science studies often bring up a matter of communication between authorities and the subjects (in authoritarian regimes), and also between representatives of a nation or people claiming their role and electorate (in democratic regimes). At the end of the 1960s, American and Canadian scientists made room for music, one of the most widespread communicators, i. a. in political sphere. At that time, interdisciplinary teams including American sociologists, political scientists, culture and media experts undertook.
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This article focuses on the roots of political culture in Romania, beginning with the consolidation of the independent state, continuing through the experience of totalitarianism and the transformation process after the fall of comunism. Many of the political dificulties of Romanian society today can be traced back to specific experiences (or missing experiences) in the recent history. The lack of trust in political institutions and in the state, the underdeveloped civil society, the power of the church and the generalized corruption all find their explanation in specific structural settings of the past, from imported constitutions, through partial secularization, political myths and strong networks of former communist leaders. The only hope for the political recovery of the country is the strong presence of the EU, with its regulatory function.
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The government programme of the government which started its mandate after the 2012 parliamentary election entailed a regionalisation and decentralisation reform, which was supposed to be a very large reform for Romania. However, the reform remained stuck in the communication process. This paper looks into whether the Romanian political actors pursued a double strategy by presenting different aspects of the reform to different actors. The first part of the paper entails a theoretical perspective on the political communication and the analysis frame. The second part presents the analysis that considers the following elements: the context of the reform, the pursued goals of the Romanian political actors and the receiver-actors towards who the communication took place. Therefore, the paper explains the communication that took place with regard to the proposed regionalisation reform from 2013, which has been further postponed.
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The paper focuses on ‟political correctness”, which has become a late 20th century catch-phrase in Western European and North American liberal democracies but also has found currency in the political climate of the Asian and Eastern countries. A historical and multi-cultural review is intended as an introduction to a broader philosophical analysis of the Marxist backgrounds of political correctness and its neo-Marxist theoretical correctives in Jürgen Habermas’s theory of communicative action. My aim is to draw out both the educational and cultural implications of laying out the ethos of contemporary discourse on the foundations of the evolving dynamics of the rhetoric of political correctness.
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This article presents the origin and institutionalisation of Canarian Coalition (sp. Coalición Canaria, CC), which emerged in Spanish party system in 1993. Since then it has ruled the regional government of Canary Islands autonomous community. The author attempts to reach causes of creation of this non‑state‑wide party and draw the process of its organizational and political program consolidation and explain the phenomena of its electoral and parliamentary stability.
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The purpose of the present paper is to show how the Polish political parties utilize free election broadcasts in the process of political communication during election campaigns. The research material was free election broadcasts aired on the Lublin Radio S.A. [PLC] during election campaigns in Poland between 2011 and 2014, the research method being content analysis and comparative analysis. The article explains the legal aspect of free election broadcasts, presents the ways of using the broadcast time by the authorized election committees as part of free election broadcasts, discusses the errors committed by election committees when preparing auditory election spots, and it shows what should be changed so that political parties could communicate more effectively with their voters through free election broadcasts on public radio.
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Since 2005, in Poland we are progressive and coexisting two key processes for development and evaluation of political campaigns. The first is the americanization of the campaigns, and other activities professionalization staffs. It seems that without the use of techniques characterized for political marketing would not be possible for the second time in Poland after 1989 change after the first term of office of the President. First departure Polish policy of Donald Tusk and the choice of an unknown politician — Andrzej Duda on the President, in fact, a political era ends and exhausts ruling so far Civic Platform effective strategy to scare of Jarosław Kaczyński. Secondly, the results of these elections mean consent youngest voters “change” on “anti‑system slogans” and finally as it seems, this means the announcement of acceptance for the appearance of a new political force in Poland.
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Imala sam iznimnu čast i privilegij raditi s ministrom kulture Antunom Vujićem u razdoblju od početka 2000. do kraja 2003. godine. Bile su to četiri godine velikih izazova, intenzivnih promjena, potrage za odgovorima na brojna pitanja. Pokušat ću izdvojiti najvažnije aspekte promišljanja ministra Vujića o kulturnoj politici, odnosno njegove filozofije i politike kulture koji ostaju aktualni i danas.
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Nakon što su se prethodni govornici biranim riječima punim razumijevanja osvrnuli na Tončijev rad u hrvatskoj kulturnoj politici, pokušat ću skrenuti pažnju na njegov doprinos jednom njenom manjem, možda i ponešto zanemarenom dijelu: medijskoj politici.
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According to theories presented in scholarly literature concerning the subject, women are perceived in terms of soft qualities such as empathy, agreeableness, friendliness or mildness, whereas politics is presented as ruthless and full of conflicts. Therefore, dispositions expected from politicians are not compatible with the culturally and socially held elements of the feminine role. The aim of the study is to compare the weight of two factors: qualities attributed to women, and qualities attributed to politicians. The verification is presented through an experiment (N=82). Its procedure involved the respondents’ initial evaluation of female leaders of Polish political parties in the 2015 parliamentary election, and then showing them campaign spots in which the evaluated women were straightforwardly presented as active politicians. After watching the spots, the respondents were asked to evaluate the women once again. The results of the experiment demonstrated that in the main traits indicated in the pre-test were those resulting from the social role and deep-rooted stereotypes. This perception was significantly changed by the stimulus affecting the participants, i.e. the exposure to campaign spots, in which the three women were presented as active politicians.
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In this research the subjective reasons for the expansion of global culture in local cultures are explored. The main objective is to analyze the subjective factors of the cultural imperialism and to show that psychological, marketing and technological factors are no less important than ideological and economic reasons of globalization. The methodology of research is based on cultural approach to the process of cultural imperial-ism, which describes at least four main scenarios of globalization. The first scenario is a global homogenization and cultural unification under the influence of "cultural imperialism". The second scenario, "peripheral corruption" is the expansion of the Western culture to the peripheral segments in a global world, where the peripheral cultures filtrate and adapt the global cultural products. The third scenario is a "mosaic" culture of the isolated competing cultures of the hostile civilizations. The fourth scenario is an open egalitarian world with intense cultural exchange.We conclude that the subjective aspects of cultural globalization relate to the production of discourse, in which great narratives are challenged by the diversity of consumption practices. Given that globalization policy involves multiculturalism, the multiplicity of identities triggered by the virtualization technologies causes the new forms of cultural interaction and allows playing with different cultural contexts. The cultural imperialism is caused by the interpenetration of cultures resulting from the multicultural policy of the Western countries, that creates the effect of self-identity within the global cultural discourse.Cultural imperialism takes place due to the media-globalization, since the media-culture dominates in contemporary cultural discourse. In the contemporary socio-cultural environment, the media acquired global significance and technologically expanded human capabilities. A distinctive feature of the modern technologies is their potential to not only extend human capabilities, but also to significantly influence humanity, change human’s perception of the world and of oneself.Based on the cultural approach to the problem of globalization, we substantiate that in contemporary Ukraine the second scenario of cultural imperialism ("peripheral corruption") dominates. It filtrates the globalized cultural products and adapts them for itself.
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Three aspects of the problem are studied in this research. The first aspect is the lack of knowledge about a range of European-Ukrainian and German-Ukrainian relations covered by the press controlled by the Reichcommissariat "Ukraine" (hereinafter – RCU) in the period from its foundation up to the beginning of the Battle of Stalingrad. The second aspect is the lack of studies on the identification and description of the specific social and communication technologies of influence through the RCU press on the minds of readers. The third aspect is the inaccuracies detected in previous studies by Ukrainian researchers, in descriptions of methods used in newspapers published under the RCU censorship. To fill these gaps in knowledge, the author has chosen as an object of study the press (newspapers) of the Reichcommissariat "Ukraine" from 1 September 1941 to 17 July 1942. The subject of the study is the range and trends in the Ukrainian-European and Ukrainian-German relations covered by the RCU press in the given period.In the study, the author identified the range and trends in covering the Ukrainian-European and Ukrainian-German relations in the press of the Reichcommissariat "Ukraine" in the period from 1 September 1941 to 17 July 1942. The main results of the study are the differentiations of journalistic materials in the specified period by two criteria. By the first criterion, we identified a range of topics in journalistic materials, both in quantity and quality, in the following two groups: "Ukrainian-European relations" and " Ukrainian-German relations." By the second criterion of the analysis (the quantity and quality of the main trends of Ukrainian-European and Ukrainian-German relations covered by the RCU press from the first day of its foundation, 1 September 1941, to the first day of the Battle of Stalingrad, 17 July 1942) four main trends were outlined, namely: 1) insisting of the RCU press on rightness of Germany’s war against the Bolshevism; 2) imposing of the idea of necessity to work aiming at assisting the German soldiers; 3) promotion of the idea of precedence of German culture as a model for the Ukrainians; 4) propagandism of the advantages of the new, German order in Ukraine. The study confirmed the author’s hypothesis that in the period prior to the Battle of Stalingrad, the RCU newspapers employed the social and communication technologies of propaganda to more intensively promote the Ukrainian-German relations than the Ukrainian-European relations.
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The main objectives of the study are: elaboration of the operative algorithm for professional online journalists under information warfare (IW) conditions; analysis of the modern methods and tools for the effective verification of information; application of the decision support systems (DSS) for the content distribution in social media; specification of the set of rules for network reporters to itemize their activity.In this study the issue of verifying the information received from the World Wide Web is analysed, in particular, the information spread during the military aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in 2014–2015. We also present and justify some modern means of counter-acting the spread of intentionally distorted information and hostile propaganda. We focus on using content analysis, comparative analysis, full-text searching, pattern recognition, and open-source intelligence (OSINT) method.Through using specific facts and findings we analyse the features of the work of an online journalist during the warfare and modern digital tools for content search, verification, comparison and analysis.The results and conclusions of this investigation allow generalizing and structuring some methods and techniques of content verification. A number of rules and helpful hints for enhancing the efficiency of online journalists are proposed. Current trends in development of social media allow predicting further increase of the Internet audience and consequently an increasing amount of information on the web. With the development of citizen journalism (street journalism) in Ukraine, the significance level of journalistic responsibility for information dissemination in mass media has been constantly increasing. Out of a huge amount of reports and data, a journalist must be able to identify the most accurate and up-to-date ones, check them promptly, and distribute on cross-media platforms. Under such conditions, an online reporter is obliged to possess modern skills of dealing with digital tools for content verification, and to keep in contact with experts whom he can ask for advice.
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An attempt at reconstruction of the New Journalism model results from the observation of the crisis symptoms of journalism as a profession and mission (social responsibility). On the grounds of journalists’ and theoreticians’ statements, it is possible to establish a hierarchy of values of the serious journalism, which a social demand is growing for. The New Journalism is most frequently described as the conscious journalism, which provides spectrum of needs and views of recipients. This type of journalism is committed, independent, functioning in the public sphere, credible, realizing educational role. These attributes pertain to journalism. The paper includes standpoints, for example, of S. Michalczyk, B. Hennessy, P. Mancini, S. Russ–Mohl, S. Bratkowski, R. Kapuściński.
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This study takes advantage of Human Assisted Computer Analysis (HACA). In particular, this paper analyses selection, coverage and portrayal of various corruption-related issues and subjects by selected newspapers in Slovakia. HACA revealed that the best coverage of corruption as well as relatively widest variety of different types of corruption was provided by Sme, distantly followed by Pravda and Hospodárske noviny, and finally by Nový Čas. The results of our analysis have suggested that also the largest number of corruption-related articles published during the monitored period appeared in the liberal daily Sme. Yet, reviewed literature further revealed rather confusing and partially contradictory results in related research areas.
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