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The stories of the interviewees set out above demonstrate the essence of the causes and impact of (the risk of) statelessness among Roma in Albania and the intergenerational issues it raises with its consequences for children. Discriminatory attitudes among officials and rigid bureaucratic systems play a role, as does the irregular migration of Albanians to Greece and other countries, and the failure of Albanian authorities to address the documentation challenges that arise. The resultant lack of documentation makes it difficult for affected Roma to establish that they are Albanian, which can result in their children also being denied documents and nationality rights.
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The present report examines one of the most serious human rights violations against women – the practice of coercive sterilisation that was aimed at and programmatically performed on Romani women and women with disabilities starting from the 1970s until the 1990s. In Communist Czechoslovakia this practice was legally sanctioned by the 1971 Decree on Sterilisation. This Decree gave public authorities a more or less free rein to systematically sterilise Romani women and women with disabilities without their full and informed consent as a means of birth control. In 1979, Czechoslovakia also initiated a programme of financial incentives for Romani women to undergo sterilisations motivated by the need “to control the highly unhealthy Roma population through family planning and contraception”. An investigation into the practices of involuntary sterilisation of Romani women by the Czech Ombudsperson in 2005 estimated that, since 1972, thousands of women may have been involuntarily sterilised throughout the former Czechoslovakia. Female sterilisation was a state policy in Czechoslovakia until 1993 when the Sterilisations Directive was abolished. However, the practice of sterilising Romani women and women with disabilities against their will did not end with the abolition of the legislation which allowed it, but continued throughout the 1990s and 2000s, with the last known case occurring as recently as 2007.
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Romani children in Serbia are being removed from their families at an alarming rate. The ERRC carried out in-depth research on the situation. We found there are disproportionate numbers ofRomani children in foster care – a third of children in care in Belgrade come from Romani families, for example, yet Roma make up less than two per cent ofthe city’s population. Although Serbia is closing down its institutions for residential care, Romani children are overrepresented there as well. And once Romani children are removed from their families, it’s rare that they return. Why is the right to family life being denied to so many Roma in Serbia? We don’t believe that authorities remove children maliciously. But we do believe that Romani families are victims of indirect discrimination and stereotyping. After centuries of discrimination against Roma, Romani children are more likely to live in inadequate housing, less likely to have parents in employment and may find it hard to access mainstream education. This plays a part in the decision to remove children from their families. As so many children are removed, and so few are able to return, this calls into question the support that these families receive to stay together.
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Arhitektonsko-tehnički uslovi, higijena i opremljenost u bolnicama u koje su smešteni psihijatrijski pacijenti na veoma je niskom nivou. Reč je o ustanovama koje imaju velike kapacitete, do 1000 bolesnika, koje su u suštini izolovane od društvene zajednice. Spavaonice su predviđene za smeštaj velikog broja ljudi. U bolnici u Kovinu, na akutnom odeljenju u sobama je smešteno više od 20 pacijenata. Visoki plafoni, nepostojeća toplotna i hidroizolacija, vlažni i memljivi zidovi, betonske podloge, prozori i vrata koji ne dihtuju, itd., često ne obezbeđuju ni minimum potrebnih uslova za smeštaj i lečenje bolesnika; nedostatak i prirodnog i veštačkog osvetljenja, nedovoljna provetrenost, hladni ili mlaki radijatori, deo su svakodnevnih uslova kojima su izloženi i bolesnici i zaposleno osoblje. U nekim odeljenjima (oligofreno odeljenje vršačke bolnice) životni uslovi se mogu definisati kao nečovečno ili ponižavajuće postupanje. Lečenje psihijatrijskih pacijenata u ovim ustanovama je neadekvatno, jer se, uglavnom, sastoji od farmakoterapije. Pacijenti nemaju mogućnost da učestvuju u izboru lekara, niti da donose bilo kakve odluke u pogledu terapije i načina lečenja kojem se podvrgavaju. Podaci iz medicinskih kartona nisu dostupni pacijentima, članovima porodice, niti zastupnicima ili advokatima pacijenata. Kada se nalaze u ulozi somatskih pacijenata, psihijatrijski pacijenti su diskriminisani u drugim zdravstvenim ustanovama. Zdravstveno osoblje u drugim ustanovama, za lečenje somatskih bolesti, odbija da tretira i leči psihijatrijske pacijente na isti način kako se leče drugi pacijenti. Veoma mali broj pacijenata, uglavnom onih koji posećuju dnevne bolnice u sklopu psihijatrijskih bolnica, ima mogućnosti da koristi i druge pristupe u tretmanu osim farmakoterapije. Za sve ostale, što znači za „veliku većinu,“ važi „skladištenje“ u psihijatrijske bolnice koje ih, praktično, izdvaja iz zajednice, čime se pospešuje njihovo brže propadanje. Veliki broj pacijenata u ovim bolnicama, faktički, živi u njima po 10 ili 20 godina, jer nema gde da ode iz bolnice i ne postoji adekvatnija institucija koja bi ove pacijente prihvatila i omogućila im postepenu integraciju u društvo. Osoblje u bolnicama (nemedicinsko, kao i srednji medicinski kadar i više medicinske sestre) nema adekvatnu obuku za rad u psihijatrijskim bolnicama i tretman psihijatrijskih pacijenata. Osoblje nije obučeno tehnikama ne-fizičkog i manuelnog obuzdavanja agitiranih pacijenata. Srednje medicinsko osoblje i nemedicinsko osoblje nije dovoljno nadzirano u popodnevnim i noćnim časovima. Mali broj zaposlenih ostaje u popodnevnim i noćnim smenama sa pacijentima i nema adekvatan nadzor nad njima. Osoblje je zbog uslova u bolnicama, neobučenosti, nedovoljnog broja zaposlenih, nepostojanja jasne procedure za reagovanje u kriznim situacijama, izloženo velikom stresu. Osoblje je posebno nezadovoljno zbog malih primanja, s obzirom na težinu posla kojim se bave i uslove pod kojima rade.
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Pravo na zdravlje, kao ljudsko pravo, podrazumijeva da svako ima pravo na najviši mogući nivo fizičkog i mentalnog zdravlja. Ovo uključuje mogućnost pristupa svim medicinskim uslugama, higijenskim uslovima, adekvatnoj ishrani, uslovnom stanovanju, zdravim uslovima rada i čistom okolišu. U ovom tekstu analizirani su primjeri nejednakog pristupa zdravstvenim uslugama kada su u pitanju bh. žene, a koji pokrivaju više oblasti zdravstvene zaštite. Pored toga, tekst donosi i preporuke koje je potrebno usvojiti kako bi jednak pristup zdravstvenoj zaštiti u BiH bio moguć za sve građane i građanke, pogotovo uzimajući u obzir marginalizovanu poziciju žena i brojne otežavajuće okolnosti koje ih sprječavaju u ostvarivanju prava na zdravlje.
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The pandemic of COVID-19 was declared by the World Health Organization (WHO) on 11 March 2020 and, to this day, the disease was present in 207 countries in the world, according to the official data provided by the WHO. The first case in BiH was registered on 5 March 2020, which triggered the fast reaction on the side of the BiH authorities. The F BiH Government declared the state of natural disaster on 16 March 2020, as did the RS Government and the BiH Presidency. This extraordinary situation has posed numerous challenges and obstacles in front of all levels of governance in BiH, including the area of criminal justice and response of the judicial organs. The purpose of this paper is to analyze de lege lata solutions regarding criminal liability for spreading infectious diseases and the relevant principles of criminal proceedings in F BiH, as well as de lege ferenda proposed provisions. In that sense, the question of public announcement of personal data of persons that failed to comply with the imposed measure of self-quarantine and the issue of holding main trial hearings online will be explored, as well as their possible implications. Also, the example of Republic of Serbia will be explained.
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The discussions of experts from both banks of the Dniester focused on the bilateral issues that exist between Chisinau and Tiraspol in the field of education, health and medicine, and on the possibilities of initiating joint projects. // A serious problem in the relations between the two banks of the Dniester that affects all levels of education is related to the different format of education systems. There are no baccalaureate exams in Transnistria, and pre-university education lasts 11 years (unlike Moldova where young people study for 12 years). Because of this, young people graduating from Moldovan schools in Transnistria with Cyrillic script are forced to study for a year in the Republic of Moldova and only after passing the baccalaureate, they have the right to be enrolled in higher education institutions on the right bank of the Dniester. Compatibility issues also exist at other levels of study - university cycle I and II, doctorate and employment of teachers. In the absence of close control by the Ministry of Education, the exact procedures by which young Transnistrians end up studying at higher education institutions in Moldova or working as teachers are not known. For example, there are known cases when graduates of pedagogical institutions in Transnistria are employed as Romanian language teachers in schools on the right bank, although they have studied Romanian in Cyrillic script.
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The discussions of experts from both banks of the Dniester focused on the bilateral issues that exist between Chisinau and Tiraspol in the field of education, health and medicine, and on the possibilities of initiating joint projects. // A serious problem in the relations between the two banks of the Dniester that affects all levels of education is related to the different format of education systems. There are no baccalaureate exams in Transnistria, and pre-university education lasts 11 years (unlike Moldova where young people study for 12 years). Because of this, young people graduating from Moldovan schools in Transnistria with Cyrillic script are forced to study for a year in the Republic of Moldova and only after passing the baccalaureate, they have the right to be enrolled in higher education institutions on the right bank of the Dniester. Compatibility issues also exist at other levels of study - university cycle I and II, doctorate and employment of teachers. In the absence of close control by the Ministry of Education, the exact procedures by which young Transnistrians end up studying at higher education institutions in Moldova or working as teachers are not known. For example, there are known cases when graduates of pedagogical institutions in Transnistria are employed as Romanian language teachers in schools on the right bank, although they have studied Romanian in Cyrillic script.
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The Association Agreement (AA) between the Republic of Moldova and the EU, signed in 2014, ratified by the parties in 2015, entered into force definitively on January 1, 2016. Economic integration is an important part of this Agreement, and involves the creation of an area of Free Deep and Comprehensive Trade (DCFTA) between Moldova and the EU. // A special feature of this Agreement is the fact that Moldova signed the AA with an unresolved secessionist conflict with the Transnistrian region. In turn, the distinguishing feature of the Transnistrian conflict is the fact that stable trade relations have been established between the two parties to the conflict, wich in the last two years have shown an increasing trend. Due to their small size and dependence on imports of basic factors of production, the economies of Moldova and the Transnistrian region are particularly interested in a development of foreign trade activities and an increase in their trade capacity. The implementation of AA and DCFTA, with technical support from the EU, contributes to institutional modernization, refurbishment and increasing the competitiveness of exports on both banks of the Dniester.
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Full-scale hostilities between Armenia and Azerbaijan, unfolded in late September, endangered the security and stability of the entire region. Perhaps, even further cooperation within the framework of the Eastern Partnership, which includes both warring countries, is questionable. Meanwhile, for more than seven weeks now, street protests against unfair elections and the system in general have not subsided in Belarus. The violence of the security forces against the protesters has not stopped as well as. Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine are preparing for elections - parliamentary, presidential and local, respectively. This means that the polarization in the societies is growing. However, it is not only military clashes and political showdowns that endanger the region. While the countries are trying to cope with the crisis in the healthcare system, the economic and humanitarian consequences of the coronavirus pandemic, the information sphere is also under attack. The rampant stream of disinformation about the virus has become a test for strength – for the states, the media, and civil society, a real “combat” test of their readiness to defend their information security. After all, the goal of fakes in most cases is to sow panic and undermine confidence in the state. All these topics and some more can be found in the latest issue of our digest. //// CONTENT: Analytica: Coronavirus Сrush Test: Disinformation Resilience of the EaP States and Romania // Azerbaijan: State of War and Military Mobilization // Armenia at War // Belarus: 50 Days of Protests, West Doesn’t Recognize Lukashenko as Legitimate // Georgia under Risk to be Involved in South Caucasus Conflict // Turmoil in Moldova amid the electoral period, the pandemic and a contested governance process // Ukraine: New Trend of “Economisation” for Domestic and Foreign Policies
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Pandemija virusa SARS-Cov-2, izazivača bolesti zvane kovid-19, traje već pune dvije godine. Za to vrijeme svašta smo naučili o virusu, sebi samima, svijetu oko nas i Novaku Đokoviću.
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Tokom većeg dela pandemije Australija je suzbijala širenje virusa kroz mere javnog zdravlja zasnovane na naučnim činjenicama, kao što su zatvaranje granica, otkrivanje slučajeva zaraze putem testiranja, praćenje kontakata, karantin, fizičko distanciranje, vakcinacija i, povremeno, lokdaun. Nažalost, lokdaun je poslužio za političko prepucavanje i emotivno uzrujavanje javnosti, što je ovu drastičnu meru učinilo simbolom svih drugih mera javnog zdravlja, koje većinom ne narušavaju lične slobode. Poricanje je ipak obeležilo pandemiju. Poricanje da se virus prenosi vazduhom, poricanje nauke, poricanje težine omikron varijante i poricanje šta stvarno znači „živeti sa kovidom-19“.
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Novinarka i autorka dokumentarnih filmova Marie-Monique Robin nedavno je objavila knjigu Fabrika pandemija (La Fabrique des pandémies) u izdavačkoj kući La Découverte. Istraživanje koje je obavila u saradnji sa Sergeom Morandom, istraživačem u CNRS-u i Ciradu omogućuje laicima da pristupe znanju 62 uglednih naučnika iz celog sveta o razlozima eksponencijalnog razvoja zaraznih bolesti na našoj planeti. Svim tim infektolozima, virusolozima, parazitolozima, zdravstvenim ekolozima, medicinarima i veterinarima zajedničke su zabrinutost za blisku budućnost čovečanstva i jedna preporuka: moramo raditi na održivom razvoju najbrže što možemo.
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U redovima za testiranje, školskim WhatsApp grupama i razgovorima na Zoomu dominira opšte slaganje izraelskih građana o tome da su nove smernice za koronu krajnje zbunjujuće. Ovaj stav je zamenio opšte mesto o vremenu kojim se prekida neprijatna tišina u razgovoru i postiže razumevanje i solidarnost sa okolinom. Rečenica „Jel da su nove smernice nejasne?“ može da posluži pri susretu sa majstorom koji je došao bez maske, rođakom koju nismo videli 10 godina i sa kolegom u liftu. Neki će ispričati i šalu sa mreža o tome da u slučaju kontakta sa zaraženim treba odmah odigrati en den dinu. A šala je kao smešna jer su smernice nejasne.
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Taman pomislim da me u ovoj zemlji ništa više ne može iznenaditi, stvarnost me demantuje. Neki dan dobih informacije o tome kakva zaštitna oprema stiže i koristi se u bolnicama u Srbiji. Verovali ili ne, od početka epidemije, od kad je proglašena vanredna situacija 15. marta, sve nabavke su označene kao poverljive i državna tajna. Vanredna situacija prođe, a državna tajna traje i dalje. Nabavka zaštitne medicinske opreme je državna tajna, kao i nabavka respiratora, vakcina, predizbornih lekova protiv kovida i ko zna čega još. I sve po zakonu.
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