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Azərbaycanı Ucaldan və Müstəqilliyə Qovuşduran Rəhbər

Author(s): Şahismayıl Namaz İsmayilov / Language(s): Azerbaijani Publication Year: 0

Wise people have rich parts, emotions, strong thinking and vocabulary. Just as all nations are known for their geniuses, these personalities also introduce the people’s world view, culture, science, and art to the peoples of the world. Every people, nation, state always needs a leader who leads it to a bright future throughout history. Every nation has geniuses who played the role of saviors in the history of national freedom and independence. With their determination, those geniuses led their people behind them and played the role of winners in the most fateful moments. Today, the Republic of Azerbaijan ranks among the leading states of the world. And these achievements are of course the result of the policy of national leader Heydar Aliyev. Heydar Aliyev’s position in the history of his people is irreplaceable.

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Muğlalı Bir Türk Milliyetçisi: Hamza Sadi Özbek

Author(s): Bayram Akça / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

1912 yılında Muğla’da doğan Hamza Sadi Özbek İlk ve Orta Okulu Muğla’da ve Liseyi de İzmir’de tamamladıktan sonra Ankara Maliye Okulu’na girmiştir. Buradan mezun olduktan sonra Aydın’da Tahsisat Müdürlüğünde memuriyet görevine başlayan Hamza Sadi Özbek bu görevde iken Türk milliyetçiliği üzerine yaptığı faaliyetlerden dolayı 1944 yılında” Irkçılık ve Turancılık Davası” ndan dolayı tutuklanıp İstanbul’da yargılanmış ve ceza almıştır. 1947 yılında Milaslı Halide Hanım ile evlenip bu evlilikten 3 çocuk sahibi olan Hamza Sadi Özbek 1950 yılından itibaren Muğla’da Maden İrtibat Memuru olarak çalışmaya başlamıştır. 14 Mayıs 1950 seçimlerinde bağımsız Muğla Milletvekili adayı olan Hamza Sadi Özbek 1951 yılında da Muğla’da Türk Milliyetçiler Derneği’nin kurucuları arasında yer almıştır. 1965 yılında tekrar Adalet Partisi’nden Muğla Milletvekili aday adayı olan Hamza Sadi Özbek 1971 yılında Muğla’da vefat etmiştir. Diğer yandan daha lise yıllarında Türk milliyetçiliğine ilgi duymaya başlayan ve bu konuda şiirler yazan Hamza Sadi Özbek 1941 yılında Muğla’da yayınlanan Muğla’da Halk Gazetesi’nde Türkçülük adlı köşesinde altı tane, yine 1941 yılında aynı gazetede Vazife adlı köşesinde bir tane ve 1942-1943 yıllarında da yine aynı gazetede fikirler adlı köşesinde Türk milliyetçiliği üzerine yedi tane yazı yazmıştır. Bu yazıları ile Hamza Sadi Özbek Muğla’da Türk milliyetçiliğinin gelişmesine ve kökleşmesine öncülük eden bir fikir adamı olarak tarihteki yerini almıştır.

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Göktürklerin Fetret Dönemi’nde (630-680) Çin ile Yaptığı Siyasi Evlilikler

Author(s): Selma Başkan / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

After the I. Gokturk State collapsed due to many political, military and economic factors such as the throne fights in 581, China's intrigues and famine, it tried to struggle to avoid damage in its foreign policy with China as East and West for about seventy years until 630. Many policies of China were effective in the collapse of the Eastern and Western Gokturk State and entering the fifty-year Interregnum. Among these policies, the heqin policy can be seen as the most important. Heqin policy means marriage by kinship in history. China used with a different function, the heqin policy , which was used for peace purposes in the years when the Gokturks were strong, this time in the Interregnum Period.The China aimed to keep them under control with military governorships (garrisons) placed in Gokturk lands. In these governorships, he married the Gokturk beys to the Chinese princesses and brought them to important positions. In this study, the collapse of the Gokturk State, the struggle for independence and the fifty-year historical period in captivity, the marriages of China with important people from the Ashina lineage and the importance of these marriages in terms of Chinese-Gokturk history will be tried to be discussed.

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Bizans İmparatorları Tarafından Bulgar Hükümdarlarına Verilen Unvanlar

Author(s): Öner Tolan / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

The relationship of the Byzantine State with the Bulgarians, had already started when they were in the north of the Black Sea before they came to the Lower Danube region in the last quarter of the 7th century. After the arrival of the Bulgarians in the Northern Balkans, even more intense contacts were established by being a border neighbor. However, this relationship has followed a fluctuating line in the historical process. In this context, the attitude and diplomatic relations of the Byzantine State towards the Bulgarians differed according to the periods in proportion to its political power. While he exhibited an attitude towards destroying his opponent during his strong periods, he sought ways of reconciliation by resorting to diplomacy during his weak periods. While doing this, she often used some diplomatic methods that he generally resorted to in his relations with the communities she defined as “barbarian”. One of these methods finds its expression in the form of giving one of the titles within the Byzantine palace hierarchy to the administrators of the relevant communities. By this means, Byzantium generally aimed to prevent his opponent from taking action against him or to form an alliance against another opponent. He felt the need to give some titles to the Bulgarian rulers he came into contact with for the same purpose. However, these titles differ according to the conditions when they are given and express different hierarchical levels. This study aims to determine the titles given by the Byzantine emperors to the Bulgarian rulers, their meanings and the expectations of the emperors from this practice.

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Trabzon Rum Devleti (1204-1263)

Author(s): Fatma İnce Sancaklı / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

The reason for the start of the crusades carried out between 1095-1291 is the help of the Byzantine State from the west. In this period, the Byzantine State, which was in a difficult situation in the face of the Seljuks on the one hand, the danger of Çaka Bey on the one hand, and the confusion created by the Pechenegs on the other, sought help from the west. Upon this call, the Westerners organized these expeditions in order to help their so-called co-religionists in the east. However, the real intention of the west is not to save its coreligionists in the east, but to seize the riches of the east. Realizing this intention of the crusaders, the Byzantine State also took some precautions against the crusaders from the first time. They caused difficulties in subsistence, they sent them to Anatolia by steep roads thanks to the guides they gave, and they threw them in front of the Turks and did not help them in many matters. All these events led to the formation of prejudice and hatred among the crusaders against the Byzantine State. Here are all these problems between the two sides, IV. It caused the direction of the Crusade to be turned towards the Byzantine State. IV. Before the Crusade started, an agreement was made between the crusaders and the Venetian State. According to this agreement, Venice would prepare a fleet for the crusaders to organize the expedition, and the crusaders would pay 85,000 marks to Venice for this fleet. However, the Venetians could not pay a large part of this money. The problems experienced in the Byzantine throne at this time became a great opportunity to pay the money that the crusaders promised to give to the Venetians, and therefore, deviating from their main goal, they turned towards the Byzantine State. IV. After the Crusade, Istanbul was plundered by the crusaders, the Latin state was established in Istanbul, and states were established in Trabzon, Iznik and the Balkans by the heirs of the Byzantine State. The Greek State of Trabzon, founded by the heirs of the Byzantine throne, Alexios and David, who fled to Trabzon after the occupation of Istanbul by the Latins, is important in this sense. In this paper, the period of the Trabzon Greek State between the years 1204-1263 will be explained.

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Vatan Cephesi Davası’nda Niğde; Adnan Menderes’e Destek Telgrafları ve CHP’den İstifalar (1958-1960)

Author(s): Tuğba Aldemir / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

After the 1957 General Elections, a policy of confrontation emerged on the ruling and opposition sides depending on the conditions of the period. On the one hand, there was the opposition, which said that the country was being dragged into a dictatorial regime, dissatisfied with the economic situation and the silencing of the press, and on the other hand, there was the government that saw the situation of the CHP, which had decreased its votes and increased its majority in the parliament, and sought a solution to this. While the Opposition Parties were gathering around the "Union of Force" front, Adnan Menderes put forward the idea of "Homeland Front" in a rally he held in Manisa on October 12, 1958 and called on all citizens to gather around their own fronts. The call was announced on the radios soon after, and it was ensured that it resonated all over the country. Following this statement of Adnan Menderes, there were intense transitions to the homeland front from the villages of various towns and sub-districts, mostly in the center and the villages connected to the center, as well as from the organizations of opposition parties such as CHP and MP in Niğde as well as throughout the country. In this article, the establishment phase of the homeland front, which ended with the May 27 coup, and the process that took the DP and its members to the Yassıada Courts are briefly examined. In particular, the telegrams sent to DP Chairman Adnan Menderes from the center, townships and villages of Niğde were examined, and the people who joined the homeland and DP ranks and their numbers were revealed in the light of the archive document. Various books, theses and articles were used for information about the period.

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1960-80 Döneminde Türkiye’de Seçimler ve Seçmen Davranışları

Author(s): Uğur Ülger / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

This study will examine elections and voter behavior between the years 1960 and 1980. This period is important because it constitutes an exceptional period of Turkish political life in terms of the visibility of class politics. The main argument of the study is that class characteristics and, more specifically, economic factors became the main factors in voter behavior during this period. In this period of import-substitution capital accumulation, the references to the social state and the liberal structure of the 1961 Constitution provided an environment in which parties and organizations focusing on the working class could emerge and spread. In this case, the impact of industrialization and, as a result, urbanization was great. Internal immigrants, who broke off from their relationships based on traditional values with rural-urban migration, started to be articulated into new solidarity networks within the city. Neighborhood organizations, socialist organizations, and municipal practices accelerated the convergence of these masses to the left. Moreover, industrialization and unionization rates continued to increase during the same period. Despite this, the left could not become the dominant power in the country's politics, and the CHP became the main party of the left electorate due to the weakness of the socialist parties. However, this cooperation was not enough to fight against the Nationalist Front governments. During this period, while voter preferences were shaped by class dynamics, cultural factors continued to maintain their importance. In this respect, the period between 1960 and 1980 does not represent a complete break from other periods of Turkish political life. Moreover, the process has created a suitable ground not only for the socialist left but also for the emergence of far-right formations that were organized around anti-communist discourses.

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Erzurum’da Osmanlı Tanzimat ve Meşrutiyet Dönemi Kamu Binalarının Arşiv Belgeleri Üzerinden Değerlendirilmesi

Author(s): Rahşan Toptaş / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Erzurum şehrinin Bizans İmparatoru II. Theodosios döneminde kurulduğu bilinmektedir. Ermeniler tarafından Karin denilen şehir Türklerin Erzen (Çetin, 1998: 7-8) denilen ovayı feth etmeleri (1048-1049) ile Türk hâkimiyetine girmiştir. Bu dönemde Erzen olarak adlandırılan bölgeyi Bitlis’te bulunan Erzen’den ayırmak için Erzen-i Rum olarak isimlendirmişlerdir.

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İmparator Nero Dönemi Roma - Parth Mücadesi’nde Armenıa Sorunu

Author(s): Ömer Faruk Arican / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Parthlar, Geç Cumhuriyet Dönemi’nden itibaren tarihinin büyük bir bölümünde Roma’nın dikkatini çekmiştir. Parthia, MÖ 7. yüzyılın başlarında Kral Ahameniş’in adını taşıyan ve Pers İmparatorluğu’nun bir satraplığı olan bölgede kurulmuştur. Parthların kuruluş dönemi ile ilgili bilgilerimiz oldukça kısıtlıdır. Bu dönemle ilgili MÖ 7. yüzyıla ait Assur kaynakları Partakka, Partukka veya Partikira olarak adlandırılan bir bölgeden söz ederler (Luckenbill, 1927: 208, 309-310, nr.810). Bunun daha sonraki Parthlarla aynı olup olmadığı ise tartışmalıdır (Cameron, 1938, 172-174). Adın bilinen en erken geçtiği yer, Pers kralı I. Darius’un MÖ 520 yıllarına tarihlenen ünlü Behistun yazıtındaki ‘Parthava’dır. Bölge, Büyük İskender yönetiminde Hyrcania’ya (=Cürcan) dâhil edilmiş ve Seleukos hükümdarları tarafından bir satraplık olarak yönetilmiştir. Tartışmalı bir geleneğe göre bağımsız Parth İmparatorluğu’nun kurucusu, MÖ 3. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında isyan edip kendi yönetimini kuran ve Arsak hanedanını Parthların hanedan yöneticileri olarak belirleyen I. Arsaces’tir. Bütün Pers platosu, I. Mithridates (MÖ 171-138) zamanına kadar tamamen Parth egemenliği altına alınamamıştır. Parth İmparatorluğu egemenliğinin zirvesinde batıda Euphrates (=Fırat), doğuda Indos tarafından sınırlanan Hazar Denizi’nden Basra Körfezi’ne kadar tüm coğrafyaya hâkim olmuştur (Olbrycht, 2021:103-161; Overtoom, 2020: 246-276; Tosun, 2021: 2-16).

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Türkiye-Ermenistan İlişkilerinde Yaşanan Gelişmeler ve İki Milli Futbol Takımının Karşılaşmasının Bu İlişkilere Etkisi

Author(s): Muhabbet Doyran / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Ermeni halkı, Fatih Sultan Mehmet’in 1453’de İstanbul’u almasının ardından bir dönüm noktası yaşamışlardır. Dağınık şekilde yaşayan Ermenilerden Ankara, Bayburt, Adana, Tokat ve Sivas’ta yaşayanlar İstanbul’a getirilerek İstanbul’un Kumkapı, Yenikapı, Samatya, Edirnekapı ve Balat semtlerine yerleştirilmişlerdir. Bununla birlikte Ermenilerin ruhanî lideri Hovakim’i, Bursa’dan İstanbul’a getirten Fatih Sultan Mehmet, Samatya’da bulunan Sulu Manastır kilisesine patrik olarak atamıştır (Öztürk, N.,2007, s. 8).

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“Ermeni Soyqırımı”nın Gerçək Üzü və ya Ermənilərin Türk Dövlətinə Xəyanətləri

Author(s): Ramilə Bəhlul Dadaşova / Language(s): Azerbaijani Publication Year: 0

Birinci Dünya müharibəsi illərində Rusiya İstanbula, onun ətrafındakı boğazlara, Şərqi Anadoluya yiyələnmək, Türkiyəni zəiflətmək, Cənubi Qafqazda möhkəmlənmək üçün erməni silahlı dəstələrinin fəaliyyətindən istifadə etmiş, Türkiyə daxilində yaşayan ermənilərin hökumətə qarşı qiyamlar etməsini təşkil etmişdir. Rus ordusunda Qərb və Qafqaz cəbhəsində 300 min erməni vuruşurdu. Eyni zamanda Erməni milli şurası Çar Rusiyası ilə ermənilərin könüllü dəstələrinin yaradılması barədə razılaşmışdılar. Rusiya hakim dairələri ermənilərdən istifadə etmək üçün “erməni məsələsi”ni ortaya atırdılar. Ermənilər müharibədə Van, Bitlis, Tiqranakert, Ərzurum, Xarberd və Sebastiya, həmçinin Klikiyanın daxil olduğu ərazilərin Türkiyədən alınaraq özlərinin erməni dövlə tini yaratmaq, “erməni məsələsi”ni həll etmək məqsədilə iştirak edirdilər. Rusiya ermənilərə Böyük Ermənistan yaratmaqda kömək edəcəyini vəd edərək Osmanlı hakimiyyətinə qarşı mübarizə aparmaq üçün erməni drujinalarının yaradılmasını təşkil edir, onları yeni silahlarla silahlandırır, ölkə içərisində silahlı üsyanlar təşkil edirdi. Əslində isə Rusiya, Fransa, İngiltərə müstəqil erməni dövlətinin qurulması üçün çalışmır, Türkiyəyə ermənilərin əli ilə zərbə vurmağa çalışırdılar. Nəticədə erməni hərbi dəstələri Birinci Dünya müharibəsi illərində Şərqi Anadoluda və Qafqazda dinc müsəlman əhalisinə qarşı görünməmiş cinayətlər törətdilər. Ermənilərdən ilk olaraq istifadə etməyə çalışan Fransa, Osmanlı torpaqlarında katolik ermənilərdən, Rusiya pravoslav ermənilərdən, İngiltərə və ABŞ isə protestant ermənilərdən istifadə etmişdir.

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III. Mecliste Denizli Milletvekilleri ve Faaliyetleri

Author(s): İzzettin Beştaş / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

1927 seçimleri Takrir-i Sükûn Kanunu’nun yürürlükte olduğu dönemde yapılmıştır. 1923 seçimlerine göre son derece renksiz bir seçimdir. Muhalefetsiz girilen bu seçim evresi basında da yeteri kadar heyecan uyandırmamıştır. 1923 seçimlerinde olduğu gibi tartışmalar yaşanmamış, basın daha çok seçimin takvimsel süreci içindeki gelişmeleri vermiştir. III. Meclis’i oluşturan CHF’li vekilleri Mustafa Kemal Paşa seçmiştir. Seçimden önce Parti tüzüğünde yapılan bir değişiklikle milletvekillerini belirleme yetkisi Mustafa Kemal Paşa’ya bırakılmıştır. 1923 seçimlerine nazaran daha bir titizlikle incelenen milletvekili adayları halkın onayına sunulmuş ve hemen hemen her yerde “müttefikan” seçilmişlerdir. Bu milletvekilleri arasında 1930’da Mustafa Kemal Paşa’nın isteği doğrultusunda kurulacak olan Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası’nı oluşturan milletvekilleri de bulunmaktadır. III. Meclis’i oluşturan 316 milletve kilinden 84 tanesi I. Meclisten gelmedir. 207 tanesi de II. Mecliste görev yapmışlardır. (Ünal, 2016)

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Ролята на царя като жрец в ранната Новоасирийска империя (934 – 745 г. пр. Хр.)

Author(s): Zozan Tarhan / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The present paper deals with the priestly role of the early Neo-Assyrian kings as represented in the royal inscriptions, visual sources and ritual texts. The study casts light on this aspect of the king’s roles in order to understand better the Assyrian kingship and the ideology behind it. It traces how the priesthood of the Assyrian ruler was perceived and in what context it was attested. At the same time, the ritual activities performed by the Assyrian king are identified, under what circumstances they were performed with the active participation of the king, how they took place and to what extent they were recorded in the source base. Both textual and visual sources are analyzed. Royal inscriptions and ritual texts are included in the first group. The iconographic group comprises scenes especially from the Northwest palace in Kalḫu and the city of Imgur-Ellil. Royal inscriptions present to a large extent the ideological part of the Assyrian ruler’s priestly role and less the practical execution of his sacerdotal functions. There are a few groups of mentions that referred to the king’s priestly role (Table 1). Reliefs involve ideological motifs and scenes of ritual activities. In the context of the scenes, some specific attributes held by the royal officials during the ritual activities are discussed; based on accounts from ritual texts, suggestions are made regarding their names and function. The ritual texts are more objective and aim to inform about the sequence of the ritual steps performed by the king, also including the other priests and participants.

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РИЦАРІ-КОПІЙНИКИ У БИТВІ ПІД ОРШЕЮ (1514). ОЗБРОЄННЯ І ТАКТИКА

Author(s): Volodymyr Hutsul / Language(s): Ukrainian Publication Year: 0

The article is devoted to the arms, armor and tactics of its use by the Jagiellonian men-at arms in the Battle of Orsha (1514). To solve the problem, visual and textual sources of the time were used, among the latter, not only narrative, but also fencing treatises of the first half of the 16th century, which highlight the peculiarities of the use of knightly weapons in horse combat, were considered. As a result of source analysis, the author came to the conclusion that the armored cavalry of the Jagiellonian army did not fundamentally differ from the Western European chivalry of the time either in terms of equipment or combat techniques. Comparing the iconography of knightly weapons in the main visual source related to the battle – the „Battle of Orsha” panel from the National Museum in Warsaw with clearly dated examples of the period of the first decade – the middle of the second decade of the 16th century, we can say with certainty that the panel does not contain anachronisms depicted.

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ВІЙСЬКОВЕ ЗАБЕЗПЕЧЕННЯ ТАКТИЧНИХ ОДИНИЦЬ УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ НАРОДНОЇ САМООБОРОНИ ТА УПА-ЗАХІД (ДРУГА ПОЛОВИНА 1943 – ПОЧАТОК 1944 РР.). ТЕОРІЯ ТА ДІЙСНІСТЬ

Author(s): Ihor Drohobyts’kyy / Language(s): Ukrainian Publication Year: 0

The article will outline the state of provision of weapons and ammunition of the units of Ukrainian national self-defenses (UNS, UIA). The theoretical and ideological basis of this process will be characterized. The features of military support are described, which were determined by the actual state of deployment of the armed divisions of the national resistance movement. The analysis of the outlined topic will be carried out on the basis of a comparative approach based on relevant materials relating to the specifics of the military support of the main combatant forces of the theater of military operations in Galicia in the specified chronological period (UNS, AK, Soviet partisan units, etc.).

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„РІКИ ТЕЧУТЬ МОЛОКОМ, А НА ДЕРЕВАХ РОСТЕ КОВБАСА” АБО ЯК АГІТУВАЛИ УКРАЇНЦІВ ЗАХІДНОЇ БОЙКІВЩИНИ ПЕРЕСЕЛЯТИСЬ У СТЕПОВІ РЕГІОНИ УРСР 1951 Р.

Author(s): Oleksandr Kolomyychuk / Language(s): Ukrainian Publication Year: 0

The article is devoted to the activities of Soviet authorities in Western Boykivshchyna in 1951 that aimed to encourage people to move to the south and east of Soviet Ukraine. At the same time the dissemination of communist ideology among the inhabitants of Western Boykivshchyna should have to prepared people for future life in the southern and eastern regions of Ukraine. Deportation was the result of the Polish-Soviet border adjustment treaty (territorial exchange) since 15 February 1951. It has led to consequences: more than 32 000 Ukrainians without their consent were resettled to the south and east of USSR. Before winter – spring of 1951 Soviet agitators constantly were telling about „Soviet paradise”, where fields and milk are distributed, the sausages and lard hang on the fences, bread is greased with butter every day, and people eat meat not only on holidays. For this fables people were gathered in local clubs and reading rooms, where they were given lectures and showed films about the abundance under the Soviet power. Then they were choosing delegations among local people to visit the village in the places of future resettlement. The delegations were being showed houses connected to electricity, fat cows on green pastures, endless fields and the abundance of food. Young people, who first went to new places of residence, were given the task of building a housing for future waves of displaced persons. A large part of the arrived young people saw for their own eyes all the realities of post-war reconstruction under the conditions of communism in the lands there, and they were cautioning about it their families in different ways, were asking them not to leave their home land. In general, the inhabitants of Western Boykivshchyna region did not believe the agitators and didn’t want to leave their native land. This fact just more convinced the Soviet authorities in inevitability of the force resettlement.

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РАДЯНСЬКО-НІМЕЦЬКА ПРАВОВА СПІВПРАЦЯ ЩОДО РОЗСЛІДУВАННЯ НАЦИСТСЬКИХ ЗЛОЧИНІВ

Author(s): Dmytro Tytarenko / Language(s): Ukrainian Publication Year: 0

The article explores the peculiarities of the investigation of the Nazi crimes, which were committed in the Soviet Union during the occupation. This article focuses on the cooperation between the German and Soviet justice systems, which aimed to provide the German side with additional information concerning the circumstances and perpetrators of the crimes. The acts of the „Extraordinary State Commission for Ascertaining and Investigating Crimes Perpetrated by the German-Fascist Invaders and their Accomplices”, the protocols of interrogation of Nazi criminals, their accomplices and witnesses were the most important of them. The using of materials received from the Soviet side, the identification of Nazi criminals were connected with such problems: incomplete spelling of the names of the suspected persons, incorrectly indicated military ranks or positions, the lack of information about suspected persons with respect to particular crimes. Despite some political stereotypes, created by the Cold War, it was some relatively successful examples of cooperation between the two legal systems in the area of bringing Nazi criminals to justice.

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ДРУГА СВІТОВА ВІЙНА В СУСПІЛЬНО- -ПОЛІТИЧНОМУ ТА ІСТОРИЧНОМУ ДИСКУРСАХ НА ДОНБАСІ (1985–2014 РР.)

Author(s): Oksana Tytarenko / Language(s): Ukrainian Publication Year: 0

The article examines the peculiarities of the reflection of the events of the Second World War in the socio-political and historical discourse in the Donbas during the „perestroika” period in the USSR and in the conditions of Ukrainian independence. The deideologization of public life, the emergence of new topics of historical studies, the access to archival sources, which were not available before, have caused significant changes in the perception of the topic of the war. These transformations were reflected in historical research, education, in the memorialization of events and participants of the war, which had previously received insufficient attention. The most actively researched topics during this period were: the everyday life in the region under the Nazi occupation, the activity of the Soviet and nationalist underground,the military campaigns on the territory of Donbas in 1941–1943. Particular attention is given to the activities of the „Book of Memory” of Ukraine, which highlighted the cost of the war and allowed hundreds of thousands of families to find information about the fate and place of burial of their relatives who died during the war. At the same time, the politicization of historical topics by different political actors greatly influenced the public mood and contributed to the escalation of the conflict in Donbas in 2014.

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WHY MUST THE UKRAINIAN WAR HAVE HAPPENED? HOW DID THE WEST IGNORE THE SIGNS OF IMPENDING TRAGEDY?

Author(s): Jacek Stanislawski / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The article is going to reflect on the variety of origins leading to the current armed conflict in Ukraine. It will adopt the interdisciplinary approach, mainly sociological, political, and historical. Thus, instead of focusing on one important issue, I will try to gather the collective cause of the ongoing tragedy. The elaboration will analyse the recent history of the relations between Russia and the Western countries, and try to place the role of Ukraine in it. The main errors regarding the foreign policies of the West, as well as those regarding the Euro-Atlantic integration will be pointed out, too. The other issues that the Western world is facing will not remain unmentioned. It will be demonstrated what could have been done, so that the conflict had never broken out. The assessment of the current circumstances will provide suggestions what the countries should do to avoid any similar dramatic scenario in the future. Finally, I will consider several possible outcomes of the present situation. Apart from describing the pure facts available in the literature, I will share with my own experiences in the West, in Russia, and in Ukraine. I will stress how the phenomenon of propaganda is affecting the population. I will try to combine the general knowledge with the perception of the facts by ordinary people.

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POVJESNIČARI KOJI PRORIČU UNATRAG I POVJESNIČARI KOJI PIŠU BUDUĆU POVIJEST

Author(s): Miroslav Tuđman / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The answer to the question about the perception of the nature and the role of historical knowledge and historical science explains how historian Franjo Tuđman, previously in complete isolation, was able to take the helm of his party and his country in a matter of one year (1989/1990) and to attain the goal that generations before him had striven to, but never managed to achieve. The answer to this question also shows how important the knowledge of history had been for the establishment of the independent Croatian state and for the running of state politics, and which knowledge specifically had played the vital role. The paper analyzes the patterns according to which public and historical knowledge is organized and formed. The crucial aspect for the functioning of the dominant political paradigm that shapes the public knowledge is that it will not admit to the existence and functioning of anomalies and irregularities, nor will it discuss them. If the political elite in power were capable of dealing with the anomalies it produced and the irregularities it was faced with, they would discuss the essence of the problem. However, unwilling to discuss the essence of the problem, the dominant dogma attempts to eliminate its opponents, the so-called «revisionists», from the public life using a variety of methods and techniques of propaganda and information war, as well as criminal persecution and physical elimination. An analysis of the political elements of «sloppy science» and the political fates of the «revisionists» and their writings yields two completely opposite approaches to the research of historical events and two opposite understandings of the purpose of historical research and the task of historical knowledge. These differences in the methodology of historical research change not only the subject of the research, but also the nature of historical knowledge. The historians who look into the past while anchored firmly in the present see the past, the present, and the future as the only possible, logical, and regular sequence of events. They normally define history as a sequence of events that hardly could have resulted in a different outcome. The protagonists of these events who had not managed to fulfill their potentials are seen as irrelevant persons with subordinate roles in history.

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