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Niesprawiedliwa agresja Rosji na Ukrainę powoduje niezliczone zbrodnie, cierpienie i ofiary. W takich okolicznościach najważniejsi są ludzie — ludność cywilna narażona na barbarzyńskie bombardowania, żołnierze walczący z agresorem, ginący cywile. Każda wojna to jednak także niepowetowane straty w dziedzictwie narodowym i kulturze.
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The Russian-Ukrainian war is often treated as a local conflict between two post-Soviet countries on the edge of Eastern Europe. Despite appearances, the Russian invasion can be considered as a confrontation within the once common Orthodox civiliza- tion. Russia’s self-isolation clearly shows that this country is now closing in the circle of the ‘Russian mire’, and Ukraine is moving towards Western civilization. This allows us to talk about a kind of “divorce of civilization”. In this context, on the example of the Polish minority in Eastern Ukraine, the author considers the problem of the so-called fuzzy / hybrid identity of Ukrainian citizens.
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This publication examines three themes: the past and present of Russia´s imperial mindset; one year of the Russo-Ukrainian war; Putin and Zelensky. The reviewer concludes it is a useful book, especially today, in Slovakia, for Hungarians living here.
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The aim of the article is to study the Ukrainians’ understanding of social collective and individual responsibility in the context of the Russia-Ukraine military conflict. Research methods and materials. Discourse analysis was selected as the most suitable method. The research material was publications and comments posted on Facebook in the period from 24.02.2022 to 15.05.2022 by Ukrainian social media users. Results and discussion. Although in the Ukrainian sector of social networks responsibility for military aggression is undoubtedly seen as collective, it is unequally shared among groups. During sharing of collective responsibility Ukrainians distinct two approaches: 1) all citizens of the aggressor country are equally to blame; 2) citizens of the aggressor country may be related to the crime on different scales, so they have different levels of responsibility. In the view of Ukrainians, the main responsibility should be ascribed to those who can be called a “random collection of individuals.” After the beginning of the Russia-Ukraine military conflict the concept of personal responsibility has been losing its meaning, and the relationship between an individual, social group and society as a whole is prioritized by collective responsibility. Herewith, it is not the culpable event or action that is emphasized, but the “metaphysical guilt” that is imposed on all citizens of the aggressor country on the basis of membership in a “vicious” community.
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Russia’s war in Ukraine has been ongoing since 2014, but initially Russian actions took the form of a hybrid war. Ukraine was in peaceful relations with the rest of the world when Russia seized Ukraine’s Crimea without a declaration of war and waged war in Donbass. Its full-scale scope, launched on February 24, 2022, was unprecedented in post-war Europe and caused several million people living in the invaded country to leave Ukrainian territory. The purpose of this article is to show how organizations and institutions in Munich are addressing the influx of refugees into the city, including refugees from Ukraine. As a research hypothesis, it was assumed that in Germany, including Munich, the German experience of 2015 and subsequent years in accepting newcomers from the Middle East played a huge role in solving the problems of refugees from Ukraine after February 24, 2022. The basic research problems are contained in questions such as: what changes in asylum law have been made in Germany by the federal government; who in the city of Munich is entitled to assistance and what benefits does it cover?; what is the assistance to refugees provided by the Office for Housing and Migration in Munich?; what does the Office for the Prevention of Homelessness do?; what are the tasks of the Local Mediation Office?; what are the competencies of the so-called Social Service for the Deaf?; what is the scope of activities of the Office of Return Assistance?; what are the return offices in Bavaria?; what are the activities of the Office for Intercultural Work?; what is the scope of activities of the Foreign Qualification Development Service Center? The leading research method used in the research conducted is institutionallegal analysis.
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The article examines the features of patriotic education of Ukrainian youth in the context of the formation of national identity. It is noted that this process was significantly intensified in the context of Russian aggression, when the entire Ukrainian people united into one, defending the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, democratic values, human rights and freedoms. Today, Ukraine is an outpost of European civilization, protecting it from the expansion of the Russian Federation. It is noted that in the context of increasing current threats and challenges, national-patriotic education is an important security factor, as it is aimed at forming the national identity of young people, their willingness to defend their homeland. It is emphasized that patriotism is the basis for the formation of national identity. It is pointed out that, in essence, national identity is a multidimensional concept that can integrate cultural, ethnic, professional, regional, gender, or other types of identities, preserving each of them. It is noted that several identity groups coexist in Ukraine, each of which seeks to become national. The first group includes identities that have a strong national-patriotic character, focused on preserving the identity of Ukrainians, the development of national language, culture, customs and more. The second group is partly pro-European cosmopolitan identities, focused on democratic pan-European values, seeking integration with the European Union. The third group includes pro-Russian identities, which are disappearing in the face of the Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine, as Russia has completely discredited itself by destroying peaceful towns and villages, killing civilians. The last, fourth group consists of cosmopolitan identities that perceive themselves as citizens of the vanished USSR and do not accept the values of the three previous groups. It is noted that the idea of polyethnic, social, political harmony on the basis of the generally accepted goal – ensuring the spiritual and material well-being of the citizens of Ukraine should be the basis for the formation of national identity; The idea of patriotism, love for Ukraine as a defining value; national self-esteem and respect for representatives of other nations and national minorities. It is emphasized that in the conditions of Russian aggression there is an active formation of national identity, which is based primarily on supporting the culture and language of the titular Ukrainian ethnic group, education of patriotism and the formation of the Ukrainian political nation.
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The aim of the research is to verify the admissibility of granting financial and material aid to territorial units from Ukraine by Polish cities with poviat rights. Consideration was also given to the state and scale of cooperation between cities with county rights (i.e. Bydgoszcz, Toruń and Włocławek) from the Kujawsko-Pomorskie Voivodeship and their partners from Ukraine during the period of Russian aggression. The paper uses the method of content analysis, in addition, own research was carried out involving local governments from the Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship and the results are presented. The results of the research in this paper proved that there is a legal possibility on the basis of the Act on local self-government (at the same time bearing in mind the provisions of the Act on public finances) to provide financial support from one’s own budget in the form of financial aid and in-kind support in the form of aid in kind to “local and regional communities” in Ukraine, including during the period of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. In addition, the article found that all surveyed Polish local governments implemented international cooperation focused on humanitarian aid to Ukrainian partners. The article is original in nature and was devoted entirely to the issue of international cooperation during the period of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.
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According to the 2019 survey of migrants from Ukraine to Poland, the causes and prospects of their migration in categories of ‘ejection’ from the donor country and ‘attraction’ to the recipient country are analyzed. It was found that the reasons for relocation do not correlate with the respondents’ assessment of the prospects they had opened in Poland. We assume that this is a consequence of the reactive nature of migration decisions related to the survival values over the values of self-realization.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the theory of capitalist imperialism in the context of the challenges of the war in Ukraine. The main theoretical positions in the face of this war, related debates and doubts are outlined. A thesis is put forward about the adequacy of the diagnosis treating capitalist imperialism as a phenomenon rooted in the essence of capitalist states and the specificity of their rivalry. When analyzing the war in Ukraine against the backdrop of multipolar imperialism, an attempt is also made to concrete the analysis of Russian imperialism in relation to the failure of Russia’s economic reconstruction and attempts to change this state’s place in global capitalism.
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The years 2014-2022 witnessed dynamic changes in Ukraine’s social, political and symbolic landscape. In its conflict against Ukraine, the Russian Federation employed methods of hybrid warfare that extended into the realms of communication, ideology, and historical discourse. In response, Ukraine sought to emphasize the distinctiveness and divergence of its symbolic sphere. Decommunization efforts included renaming streets and systematic removal of monuments associated with the communist era. The full-scale war that commenced after February 24, 2022, added deeper meaning to this process. The removal of monuments now extends beyond those commemorating figures and events from the communist period (decommunization), and extends to the tsarist and post-1991 Russian periods (deimperalization and derussification). The current article examines the dynamics of the monument removal process and the government’s endeavors to organize and institutionalize spontaneous public action. Prior to February 2022, decommunization in Ukraine focused on the Ukrainian collective memory, but now the “war of monuments” is directed against Russia. The analysis draws upon Michael Rothberg’s concept of multidirectional memory.
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Representatives of Siberian ethnic minorities have participated in the Russian aggression against Ukraine since 2014. The overrepresentation of Buryats and Tuvans in the ranks of the Russian army has forced many scholars to verify the existing romantic notions of ethnic minorities as victims of Russian colonization striving for freedom. The involvement of Siberian ethnic groups in the war in Ukraine is the starting point for an analysis of the relationship be- tween the state, nationalism and ethnic minorities in today’s Russia. The paper deals with (1) discursive representations of Siberian minorities in the Ukrainian and Russian media; (2) the causes and forms of participation of these minorities in the war; (3) the crisis of minority nationalism and the resulting new forms of resistance or collaboration with the Russian state.
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This article is devoted to the study of the state of Polish language learning in Ukraine during the war of 2022–2023. The author analyses official documents, language policy, language practice and social responses to the impact of the war on Polish language learning in Ukraine and its current state. This research will help to better understand the relationship between the war and the Polish language in the context of Ukraine, particularly in the Kyiv region. The research included the collection of data from various sources, including educational institutions and surveys of Polish language learners and teachers. The data were analysed using both quantitative and qualitative methods.
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The article analyses the transformation in modern Ukraine in specific manifestations of their specificity, namely – the subjectivation and massization of Ukrainian society. In analysing this problem, parallels are drawn with theconclusions of already developed concepts and ideas of foreign and Ukrai-nian philosophers. In the modern civilized world, according to the world-famous scientist F. Fukuyama, there are two mutually exclusive processesdependent primarily on Western civilization. One of them is the defragmen-tation of communities by group identities: professional, age, religious, sexual,etc. Such a mosaic of community leads to the disappearance of unity in thecountry, the growth of mutual claims, misunderstandings and conflicts, theindividuation of members of society to the existence of atomised individualswho lose touch with their social environment. On the other hand, there isa process of identifying the mass of people as social beings with more pow-erful groups, primarily nations, which leads to mutual claims at the interna-tional level and threats of authoritarianism and destruction of democracies incertain countries, especially those that have entered the modernisation pro-cess. And yet F. Fukuyama believes that understanding is possible. It is worthlooking for and finding a reasonable compromise that leads to consensus.According to the author of this intelligence, such a process can be tentativelydescribed as the formation of “liberal nationalism”. The article concludes thatstrengthening the subjectivity of modern Ukraine is a necessary conditionfor its self-affirmation as an independent state – a self-sufficient actor inthe historical arena. One of the main directions in the development of subjectivation is the demassization and demassification of post-Soviet society,overcoming all signs of its postcolonialism.
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The aim of the study was to analyse the rate of return of selected stock exchange indices, currency pairs, raw materials and food in the event window determined by the start date of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022. The analysis used an approach based on the observation of the development of rates of return and their changes over time caused by Russia’s invasion on Ukraine on February 24, 2022, applying the commonly used Average of Cumulative Abnormal Returns (ACAR) measure. The research showed many similarities as well as some differences in terms of the strength of the impact and the direction of changes in the prices of instruments on individual markets as a result of the outbreak of an armed conflict. The analysis comprehensively takes into account the impact of armed conflict on the development of short- and medium-term rates of return on various markets, the global scope of which has a significant influence on the economic development of individual countries. Not being limited to one market makes it possible to identify universal patterns of stock market behaviour in response to unforeseen events with a global impact on the world economy.
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The paper deals, in broad terms, with the discursive functioning of emotions; it proposes acase study: the analysis of the pathemic configuration of the speech delivered by presidentZelensky in the joint meeting of the US Congress, on March 16th 2022, within a war crisiscontext, intrinsically affectively marked. The analysis is set within a rhetorical-argumentativeframework, considering the discursive appeal to emotions as a form of “subjectiverationality” (Charaudeau 2000), and it aims to highlight the strategic, emotive structuring ofthe discourse, by means of various intertwining mechanisms of emotional elicitation, withconstant reference to the audience’s endoxical profile. As pointed out by the analysis, certaintypes of (implicit) emotions (sharing a highly active-motivational dimension) are particularlyappealed to: basic intensive emotions, such as anger or fear and, especially, sociomoral (botheuphoric and dysphoric) emotions, such as pity/compassion, (national) pride, gratitude,admiration, or shame/guilt. Their presence in the speech demarcates a discursive scenario,which supports its main persuasive goal: to obtain the audience’s adhesion to the speaker’sviewpoint, as well as to mobilize a future concrete extra-discursive (re)action.
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The article explores Russian engagement in cyberspace during the conflict with Ukraine. Many experts have been surprised not only by the lack of coordination between offensive military operations in cyberspace and other domains, but also by the absence of significant cyberattacks. The central argument revolves around the perceived inadequacy of Russian capabilities. However, the authors contend that such an assessment is flawed and stems from the imposition of Western expectations onto a non-Western actor. They argue that the Russians’ employment of cyberspace not only aligns with their strategic culture but also represents a continuation of their utilisation of cyber as a tool for disinformation, which was previously observed during the war with Georgia in 2008 and the initial phase of the conflict with Ukraine in 2014. The aim of the article is threefold. Firstly, it discusses the Western strategic discourse regarding the potential use of cyberspace in warfare. In contrast to the position of Western experts, the second part of the article presents the Russian approach. The third section describes how the application of Russian cyber warfare concepts has played out in practice during the conflict in Ukraine.
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During the Russian invasion, hundreds of children in Ukraine have been supported by people around the world in unique ways. Creative strategies have been employed to contin- ue school experiences as well as mentoring opportunities and acts of kindness. This paper will describe how virtual teaching has sustained the educational levels of many of the children who stayed in Ukraine during the war as well as the how the involvement of youth from around the world demonstrated support of the children who have endured the invasion of their country.
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Book review: A book about the fate of Ukrainian immigrant women (based on research in Poland). Aleksandra Boroń, Agnieszka Gromkowska-Melosik. Ukrainian war refugees: identity, trauma, hope. Kraków 2022: Impuls Publishing House
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The article deals with the causes of Russia’s war on Ukraine, which is based on political and geopolitical interests, economic and military strategies, ambitions of individual political leaders, and mentality factors. The ontological basis of the war is the historically formed fundamental difference between the spiritual world, mentality traits of Ukrainians and Russians, which formed under the influence of a particular culture, with its ethnic, value and worldview coordinates, and under the influence of ideologies that determined the features of social and political life at different historical times. A strong spiritual system is created in the social and cultural space of the state, which preserves its values from generation to generation in the culture, forming a stable mentality and enduring attitudes. Their conceptual comprehension expands the context of cause-and-effect connections, helps to understand the situation more deeply and to choose optimal effective mechanisms for gradually successfully resolving the complex geopolitical situation that threatens the whole world.
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This article offers insight into the generic profile of news media discourse (O’Keeffe 2006:1, Silver-stein 2005:7, Van Dijk 2008:94, Kopytowska 2013:379) based on the (Western) online news coverageduring the first day of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It is believed that the generic value of newsreportings is realised in patterns which underlie discourse order (Foucault 1972:49), generate its cultur-al representations (Silverstein 1975:157, Sherzer 1983:11, Chilton 2004:48, Bazerman 2020:152), andconstruct its social reality (Foley 1997:24, Langacker 2008:21). Advancing the concept of collocates asa tool for establishing lexical patterns in online news reports, examined through a referential lens of an-thropological pragmatics (Chruszczewski 2011:50), this paper provides an integrated approach whichcombines the quantitative method of a concordance-informed discourse analysis (Baker 2006:92) anda qualitative approach which presents how text provides for the context of use through the dimensionof media framing (Anshori/Pawito/Tri Kartono/Hastjarjo 2022, Goffman 1986:26).
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