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Do 2014 r. byłem dumny, że moje dzieci mieszkają i pracują w Ukrainie. Do 24 lutego 2022 r. po prostu cieszyłem się, że mam to szczęście, że ich widuję, chociaż synowie mieli mnóstwo propozycji zza granicy. A teraz chcę, żeby po prostu przeżyli. A wnuki przedłużą ród. Gdzie? Życie pokaże.
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Podobnie jak w poprzednim numerze „Więzi” postanowiliśmy odstąpić od zasady, jaką jest prezentowanie w tym miejscu dzieł jednego artysty. Chcemy przedstawić tu Państwu kilka prac ukraińskich twórców, którymi po ataku Rosji na swój kraj 24 lutego br. na bieżąco komentowali oni wojenną rzeczywistość.
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Moment pożegnania z pacyfizmem pamiętam bardzo dokładnie. Pod koniec lat 80. zobaczyłem zdjęcie z manifestacji w Niemczech: jeden z demonstrantów niósł transparent z napisem Better red than dead. Powinienem oprawić sobie w ramki kopię tej fotografii, stanowi bowiem ważny moment w moim życiu.
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The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 was a rupture point in European politics of a kind not seen since the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The effects on the human, military, energy and environmental security of Central and Eastern Europe have been dramatic, but ideational factors are proving to be as significant as material ones. Conflicting understandings of shared history are shaping the course of the war in Ukraine and its effects on the rest of Europe, underscoring the status of Russia as the other against which European societies construct their identity. As a result, in the rest of Europe as well as in Ukraine itself, Ukrainian identity is now increasingly seen as European, and European identity is understood to include Ukraine. At the same time, a collective focus on this reshaping of identity is muting some of the most urgent questions about the limits of European liberalism and democracy.
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Les positions doctrinales qui soutient que l'ordonnance sur les mesures conservatoires de la Cour Internationale de Justice dans l'Affaire Ukraine c. Fédération de Russie constate l'existence des preuves concernant des actes de génocide commis en Ukraine ou que la Cour Pénale Internationale n'est pas compétente pour le crime d'agression car le Statut de Rome ne définit pas le crime d'agression sont aberrantes du point de vue scientifique.
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The article concerns the events from the beginning of Vladimir Putin’s rise to power in Russia and those related to the brutal Russian attack on Ukraine in 2022, as seen through the prism of selected films and the attitudes of their authors. The starting point is Russian Ark (2002) – Alexander Sokurov’s famous work made in one shot – and in the final remarks, the author writes about Sergei Loznitsa’s Donbass (2018) and the director’s public statements: his resignation from membership in the European Film Academy and a commentary on the boycott of Russian culture. The work of Aleksei Balabanov is also mentioned, mainly his films Brother 2 (2000) and Cargo 200 (2007). The main problems addressed in the article concern how the film form is related to a possible political message, and how cinema is used as a propaganda tool on the one hand and a cultural criticism tool on the other. (Non-reviewed material).
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The use of literary translations as an ideological weapon in the Cold War era has received considerable attention from translation scholars. However, the same tendency in today’s world remains underestimated, and research tends to be limited to political and media discourse. This paper examines the use of literary translations in the contemporary RF for contesting Ukrainian nationhood, fueling anti-Ukrainian sentiment and providing public support for the Russian military aggression against Ukraine. The research combines analysis of translated texts with examining factors that influence (non)translation and reception of works highlighting Russian-Ukrainian relations. The study focuses on translations of works by Taras Shevchenko, Nikolay Gogol and Oksana Zabuzhko and the Russian public debate concerning the role of literary translations in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
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For a long time, the idea of the so-called “Russian world”, a civilization united according to linguistic, ethnocultural, and religious principles, has been the subject of numerous interdisciplinary studies. It is primarily due to the aggravation of the geopolitical situation in the sphere of Russian influence, such as Ukraine. Existing studies are devoted to historical, cultural, and philosophical aspects. However, there are still not enough linguistic ones since there is still no single definition of the essence of this phenomenon and the features of its functioning in various discourses. Today, in the scientific space, there are three main theoretical approaches to understanding the “Russian world” – civilizational, geopolitical, and religious. In this study, the task is to conceptualize the presented “Russian world” notion as well as to identify newly developed connotations in connection with the Russian-Ukrainian military conflict of 2022, utilizing semantic analysis, component, and contextual analysis methods. The media texts of the Russian-language Ukrainian media were used as the material of the study, reflecting the military conflict between Russia and Ukraine and mentioning the “Russian world” concept. The study showed that the “Russian world” concept had acquired numerous negative connotations, such as “war, destruction, death”.
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Zbyt łatwo katolikom bliskim Rzymowi przychodzi oskarżanie wierzących z naszej części Europy o partykularyzm, nawet jeśli nakaz miłości nieprzyjaciół w trakcie wojny stoi w silnym napięciu z prawem do uzasadnionej obrony. Watykan powinien dziś wsłuchać się w ukraińskie racje i krzywdy.
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Russia's aggression against Ukraine has become a kind of test that life has placed on businesses in terms of their declarations of social responsibility towards society and the environment. The resulting actions (or failure to act) were met with public reaction in the form of boycotts of goods or services offered by these entities, which consequently, in many cases, forced companies to correct their behavior. The aim of this article is to present the behavior of enterprises operating on international markets in the face of the war in Ukraine and the expectations and influence of consumer attitudes on these behaviors. The structure of the paper includes an introduction; a review of the literature on the concepts of corporate social responsibility, stakeholders and stakeholder capital, and the crisis; a research methodology, including the research questions posed, a description of how to arrive at an answer to them and a characteristics of the literature sources used; a conclusion, in which reference is made to the results of the research conducted.
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U Makarivu, koji je oslobođen od okupatora, mnogo je porušenih i napuštenih zgrada. Na pragu jedne od njih sjedi pas. Riječ je o srednjeazijskom ovčaru. Sivom, prljavom, pretučenom, gladnom. Uzima hranu i vodu od volontera. Dopušta da ga se mazi. Međutim, nikoga ne slijedi. Nikuda ne ide. Sjedi na pragu, spava na pragu. Gleda u one koji prolaze pokraj njega. Gleda kroz one koji mu prilaze. Čeka svoje. Tvrdoglavo. Možda njih više ni nema. Premda je kuća čitava, vrata su zatvorena. Pas čeka na svoje. Beznadno, ali ne beznadno. Jede, pije. Ali jednostavno ni za kim nikuda ne ide. Vjeruje da će se vratiti svi oni koje voli. Na ovaj ili onaj način. Volonteri ga zovu naš Hachiko. Danas su se vratili naši susjedi s kata. Čujemo ih iza zida. Doima se kao da taj zid između nas ni ne postoji. Naše su se uši navikle slušati šištanje i zviždanje neba, čak i prije nego što se oglasi sirena za zračnu opasnost. Čemu uopće taj zid?
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Sredina ožujka, šalteri zrakoplovnih kompanija na moskovskom aerodromu Vnukovo zatvoreni su, svi osim onog na kojem se putnici prijavljuju na let za Istambul. Red je dug. Da ubijem vrijeme, brojim transportere za životinje: psi, mačke, nekoliko ptica. Očito je da ljudi odlaze bez namjere da se uskoro vrate. Prolazim kontrolu putovnica, pronalazim kutak za pušenje, ne veći od pseće kućice. Neki je muškarac već unutra, jedva da ima mjesta za dvoje. Daje mi vatre i pita: »Otkud vi bježite?« On bježi iz okolice Donjecka i pokušava, preko Moskve, doći do Engleske, gdje mu je sin. »Dobro smo vam njušku natrljali, ha?« kažemi na ruskom. »I nije vam to još kraj. U kašu ćemo vas pretvorit’, vidjet ćete.«.
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Trenutačni osjećaj Velike Povijesti. Istini za volju, rado bih ga nazvao trenutačnim Osjećajem za povijest čovječanstva, no to ne ide. Digitalna tehnika je za um uspostavila globalnu paralelnost svega, što znači da ja mogu u svakom trenutku za sekundu početi čitati, a i gledati video snimke, s Novog Zelanda ili Filipina, pa tako doznati čime je tamošnje čovječanstvo preokupirano, i tiče li ga se zapravo povijest ovdašnjeg »čovječanstva«. Sad dakle već moram reći Velika Povijest Europe i zemalja koje joj pripadaju, na primjer Kanade, Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, Chilea, Argentine i Paragvaja, Australije i modernog Japana. Taj trenutak osjećaja o dimenziji događaja imao sam 24. Veljače oko osam i trideset ujutro kad sam, uključivši jutarnji politički magazine kanala N1, na donjoj tekućoj traci s tekstom ugledao rečenicu Rusija napala Ukrajinu ili Rusija započela napad na Ukrajinu.
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Što čovjek može suprotstaviti ratu – konkretan čovjek konkretnoj prijetnji svojemu životu, konkretnom gubitku – gubitku bliske osobe, doma, ustaljenog načina života? Kako kultura može funkcionirati u vrijeme rata, s iskustvom rata? U čemu leži odgovornost culture i zašto je ruska kultura odgovorna za ratne zločine u Ukrajini? Što to znači da je čovjek nasuprot ratu ako nam je polazišna teza da je rat prirodno stanje društva i da su, prema Hobbesu, ljudi skloniji ratovanju negoli međusobnom pomirenju? Nasuprot za mene znači trenutak kada se čovjek nađe pred licem rata i ono što on u toj situaciji može suprotstaviti. Tijekom mnogih stoljeća zapadna je civilizacija (isprva pod tjecajem kršćanstva, a potom i drugih humanističkih struja) razvila određene mehanizme kako bi se od rata odvratilo, kako bi ga se izbjeglo, načela po kojima ga se ima voditi, kao što su viteški kodeksi časti, concept pravednog ratovanja, pravila postupanja sa zarobljenicima, diplomatski mehanizmi, međunarodne structure i organizacije, prakse pregovaranja, mirno rješavanje sukoba... ali sve je to, kako danas razumijemo, poprilično daleko od prakse.
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24. veljače 2022. vrijeme je počelo teći drugačije. Postalo je nekako neuhvatljivo. Ponekad je znalo biti strahovito sporo, a istovremeno prebrzo. Teško bih mogla objasniti taj fenomen, ali ovaj dojam ima više ljudi u Ukrajini. To je, možda, slično osjećaju vremena čovjeka koji trpi bol i svaki mu je sat dug kao vječnost, a svjestan je da život prolazi jako brzo... Jutro 24. veljače podijelilo je živote Ukrajinaca na prije i poslije. Prije i poslije napada Rusije na našu zemlju. Prije i poslije rata. Nisam znala da se ljudi tako naglo mijenjaju fizički, do neprepoznavanja. I ne zna se da li će bar dio njih ikad sličiti na sebe prijeratne. Nekadašnja unutrašnja slika svijeta sigurno se neće vratiti. Jedan veoma lucidan hrvatski književnik napisao mi je: »mislim o tome kako živimo (zasad) u različitim svjetovima«. Možda stvar zbilja nije samo u prostoru, već i u vremenu koje ovdje teče drugačije? U sjećanju na vrijeme prije i očekivanju vremena poslije, u tom međuvremenu koje jeste život? Rat oduzima iluziju da čovjek nešto odlučuje. Nakon pola godine rata Ukrajinci sve više cijene ono što imaju, ono sad, pa nek je to i [među]vrijeme.
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Naše društvo nasilje u pravilu odbacuje. To ga odbacivanje čini slabim pred barbarstvom, pred integralnim nasiljem. »Nećete dobiti moju mržnju«, kaže ono nakon masakra u Bataclanu. Naša preneraženost pred invazijom na Ukrajinu i, šire, pred brutalnošću Putinova - ili Xi Jinpingova - režima ima korijene u istoj normativnoj udobnosti. Volio bih ovdje reći da se rat može dobiti ako, kao naš neprijatelj, priznamo da je nasilje neminovan dio života. Jednom kad tu istinu priznamo i proglasimo, bit ćemo zapravo jači od njega, jači od bilo kojeg od tih ljubitelja smrti, jer ono što mi, mi, imamo za obraniti nije drugo do život - u potpunosti ljudski život koji, premda se voli kao život, zna da ga opsjeda smrt.
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This article is devoted to the changes that took place after the outbreak of the Ukrainian-Russian war. The main changes are, first of all, the possibility of legal demand in the territory of the country along with access to the labor market. The reasons for the armed invasion of Ukraine are not entirely clear and the aftermath of the war itself can be safely called a huge war crime. In these difficult times, not only for Ukraine but for the whole of Europe, Poland was the first country to extend a helping hand to the occupied country without hesitation. Thus, all kinds of amenities were prepared so that Ukrainian refugees could live normally for a while.
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This essay considers the Ukraine conflict as a war of decolonization. It understands decolonization as a practice of world order making that creates international relations out of imperial relations. What does such a perspective tell us about the conflict in Ukraine and its implications for world politics?
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