Agresja Rosji na Ukrainę – pierwsze dwa tygodnie wojny. Raport specjalny

Author(s): Roman Kuźniar,Bolesław Balcerowicz,Agnieszka Bieńczyk-Missala,Patrycja Grzebyk,Karina Jędrzejowska,Robert Kupiecki,Marek Madej,Kamila Pronińska,Andrzej Szeptycki,Piotr Śledź / Language(s): Polish Issue: 27/2022

Można wyodrębnić cztery motywy główne agresji Rosji na Ukrainę. Dwa wprost związane z Ukrainą i dwa pozostałe, bardziej ogólne. Po pierwsze, jest to tak zwane zbieranie ziem ruskich, co jest od pewnego czasu widoczne w myśleniu i działaniu prezydenta Putina. Rozumie on przez to „przywracanie” Rosji tych ziem, które należały do niej jako imperium, a po upadku Związku Sowieckiego stały się częścią państw powstałych z byłych republik ZSRR. Ważny jest tutaj czynnik etniczny, czyli zamieszkiwanie Rosjan na tych ziemiach. Ten motyw był obecny już przy okazji agresji na Ukrainę i aneksji Krymu oraz części Donbasu w 2014 r. Putin wielokrotnie nawiązywał do niego w przemówieniach do Rosjan bezpośrednio poprzedzających agresję rozpoczętą 24 lutego 2022 r., w których oskarżał Ukrainę o ludobójstwo (!) etnicznych Rosjan zamieszkujących obwody położone wzdłuż granicy z Rosją. Fakt, że tego rodzaju oskarżenia były oczywistym kłamstwem, zupełnie mu nie przeszkadzał. Moskwa – i Putin osobiście – nie uznawała w tym kontekście odpowiednich zasad prawa międzynarodowego.

Rosja: od ZSRR do Rosji i z powrotem?

Author(s): Marek Menkiszak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 27/2022

On the 30th anniversary of the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Kremlin undertook a number of actions pushing the country towards the revival of its totalitarian past. In domestic politics, there was a crackdown on the so-called non-systemic opposition, suppression of civil society, an anti-Western ideological campaign and further re-Stalinization of the policy of memory. In the economic sphere, it took advantage of the favourable raw material situation and the gas crisis in Europe to launch an aggressive internal and external policy. In foreign policy, it used political, military and energy blackmail against the West and its neighbours (especially Ukraine), aimed at destroying the post-Cold War political and security order in Europe. Putin’s Russia felt situationally strong and, using a perceived window of opportunity, decided to rebuild as much as possible its former influence on the European continent, and at the same time tighten its cooperation with China.

Ukrainian democracy in action. Why a successful strategy to counter authoritarianism includes Ukraine’s membership in the EU and NATO

Author(s): Hanna Hopko / Language(s): English Issue: 01-02 (50)/2022

Whilst Ukraine continues to struggle with variousinternal issues, its ongoing reforms have sent a clearmessage regarding its desires for western integration. The EU and NATO must now recognise Kyiv’s ambitionsand respond in an equally enthusiastic manner.

Belarusians find precarious protection in Tbilisi

Author(s): Mackenzie Baldinger / Language(s): English Issue: 01-02 (50)/2022

Georgia remains one of the few countries in theregion that has not imposed a travel ban on Belarusianairlines. These continued flights have made Tbilisi anideal destination for Belarusians who have come to Georgiafor political or humanitarian reasons. However, is thegovernment ready and able to guarantee their safety?

Crimea has returned to the heart of Ukraine, now it must return to its body

Author(s): Tomasz Lachowski / Language(s): English Issue: 01-02 (50)/2022

An interview with Anton Korynevych,Permanent Representative of the President ofUkraine in the Autonomous Republic of Crimeaand Head of the Office of the Crimea Platform.Interviewer: Tomasz Lachowski

Alexei Navalny and the collective portrait of Russia

Author(s): Maria Domańska / Language(s): English Issue: 01-02 (50)/2022

A book review of Navalny: Putin’s Nemesis, Russia’s Future?By: Jan Matti Dollbaum, Morvan Lallouet, Ben Noble.Publisher: C Hurst & Co Publishers Ltd, 2021.

РОССИЙСКИЕ ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛИ И ПУБЛИЦИСТЫ О РОЛИ ВОЕННЫХ В КРЫМСКОЙ ВЕСНЕ

Author(s): Ivan V. Savitsky / Language(s): Russian Issue: 8/2022

The paper addresses the military aspects of the 2014 Crimean Spring events covered by Russian historiography, historical journalism and some documentary features. The research was aimed at framing the fundamental questions concerning the military history of the Crimean Spring and systematizing the findings of Russian researchers. The author analyzed how the researchers perceived the reasons for the military operation, the composition of the forces, the beginning of their heroization, the reasons for the Ukrainian troops’ inefficiency, and the general nature of the Russian military operations. This particular research topic has been less popular than other dimensions of the Crimean Spring due to the limited availability of sources and incomplete comprehension of the “Crimean” phase of Russia- Ukraine relations by early 2022. The lack of retrospective interpretation explains why researchers as well as the general public have been satisfied with the results of journalistic investigations. The author concludes that the researchers demonstrate unequal levels of interest in various armed participants and events of the Crimean Spring and that it would not be correct to describe these events as a “hybrid war”. The research findings revealed the discrepancy between the public opinion and an enhanced role of professional soldiers, the researchers’ rare attempts to overcome the limitations of the sources, and the beginning of the 2014 events heroization. With all the variety of local defense groups, it is necessary to analyze the actions of the Russian troops only as one part of the Crimean Spring equation. The author retrieved all the study materials from open sources and compared Ukrainian and British opinions with those of the Russian experts. The research may be continued or expanded in the future with the expansion of the source base.

Na marginesie książki Petera Pomerantseva „To nie jest propaganda. Przygody na wojnie z rzeczywistościa”

Author(s): Paweł Bohuszewicz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2 (8)/2021

New media; propaganda; politics; authority; social media; Russia; hybrid war;SIDE NOTE ABOUT PETER POMERANTSEV’STO NIE JEST PROPAGANDA. PRZYGODY NA WOJNIE Z RZECZYWISTOŚCIĄ

The Importance and Consequences of War Photography

Author(s): Eva Jonisová / Language(s): English Issue: 12/2022

War photographs speak of war through stories. Stories of people they depict, usually during the most painful situations of their lives. Thanks to these photographs, we are able to learn about the suffering of others. However, few people know those standing behind the lens, risking their lives and health, so they could tell us these stories. This article focuses on the influence of war photography on photographers’ mental health. It wants to point out the relevance of war photography, which is important even today (especially in relation to the war in Ukraine, i.e., affecting us deeply), and learn about the inner world of photojournalists and their perception of their work. The article addresses the issue of the psychological effect of war photography on its authors. The objective is to demonstrate the psychological impacts of war photography and map its consequences. The article points out the development of war photography in the world and in Slovakia; it also refers to the pioneers of this field. The issue of psychological impacts of war photography, its origins and contribution, the ethical code of media pictures, as well as current perception of war photography are all analysed. The study further addresses the topical conflict in Ukraine and the work of photojournalists that have spent several days there risking their lives to bring us a visual testimony directly from the battlefront. It is also worth mentioning that at the time of writing this paper, i.e., at the beginning of April 2022, 12 journalists have been confirmed dead.

Geneza, teoria i praktyka rosyjskiej inżynierii przymusowej migracji. Przyczynek do badań nad kryzysem migracyjnym na wschodniej flance NATO

Author(s): Michał Wojnowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 26/2022

The purpose of this article is to present the origins and assumptions of the Russian concept of coercive migration engineering and its practical application with particular emphasis on the role of special services in such activities. The engineering of coercive migration has become an unprecedented form of leverage through which the Russian Federation pursues its geopolitical interests. The country’s use of this tool is a fact and not a conspiracy theory devoid of empirical evidence, as some analysts associated with European Union institutions believe. A comparison of the course of the exodus of Cubans from Mariel to Miami in 1980 and the Finnish-Russian migration crisis in 2015-2016 proves that at least since the Cold War, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and then the Russian Federation - on the basis of innovative approaches to security problems and conflict theory in military science –have developed effective means and methods of engineering coercive migration, making it a tool for destabilizing states and forcing political concessions favorable to themselves.

The genesis, theory, and practice of Russian coercive migration engineering. A contribution to the study of the migration crisis on NATO’s eastern flank

Author(s): Michał Wojnowski / Language(s): English Issue: 26/2022

The purpose of this article is to present the origins and assumptions of the Russian concept of coercive migration engineering and its practical application with particular emphasis on the role of special services in such activities. The engineering of coercive migration has become an unprecedented form of leverage through which the Russian Federation pursues its geopolitical interests. The country’s use of this tool is a fact and not a conspiracy theory devoid of empirical evidence, as some analysts associated with European Union institutions believe. A comparison of the course of the exodus of Cubans from Mariel to Miami in 1980 and the Finnish-Russian migration crisis in 2015-2016 proves that at least since the Cold War, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and then the Russian Federation - on the basis of innovative approaches to security problems and conflict theory in military science –have developed effective means and methods of engineering coercive migration, making it a tool for destabilizing states and forcing political concessions favorable to themselves.

REFERANDUM SONUÇLARI: HANGI YENI BÖLGELER RUSYA FEDERASYONU'NUN BIR PARÇASI OLDU?

Author(s): Rano Matkarimova / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 56/2022

As a result of the war between Russia and Ukraine at the beginning of 2022 and the referendum on the territory occupied by Russia, a number of economic, political and administrative issues have emerged. Russia considers the process of bringing Ukraine, the former USSR country, closer to EU membership and establishing a moderate relationship between them as a threat to itself. As a result of the inconclusive outcome of international negotiations, a war erupted between the two countries. Less than a year later, the President of Russia V. Putin declared that referendums would be held in the occupied territory of Ukraine. After a range of referendums, four new regions, Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics, Kherson and Zaporozhye were incorporated into the Russian Federation. The official documents were signed by V. Putin on 30 September 2022. Today, the number of regions forming the Russian Federation has increased from 85 to 89. The territories annexed by Russia will later become part of the federation. In this painful process, a transition period will take place from the date of admission of the regions to the federation until 1 January 2026. Since these regions have controversial status, their names have not yet been disclosed. In this article, based on the results of the referendum, it is evaluated which new regions are – will be a part of the Russian Federation.

THE RUSSIAN INVASION IN UKRAINE AND CULTURAL HERITAGE PROTECTION

Author(s): Tiberiu Horea Moldovan / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

My work aims at encouraging the interdisciplinary or “bridge-building” approach of different academic disciplines. Experts in Security Studies, Political Science, History, Archaeology, naming just a few, need to cooperate, to corroborate and to collaborate in order to preserve, defend and recover, ancient artifacts and cultural heritage, from the warzones in Ukraine. Who thought about the fact that in 2022, we will see an attempt of Blitzkrieg, a failed one, from the Russian side? The actual International Order is under threat. And, this threat is represented by the will of the Russian Federation, on one side, trying to be a more influencing actor on the International Arena, and by the will of the Popular Republic of China, on the other side, that wants to be the new International Hegemon, World`s new most important state actor, taking the place of the US. As I have written in previous articles, who is investing in education is investing in future, the one that does not know the past, is forced to repeat it. We all know that it is easier to destroy than it is to repair and to build. Ancient artifacts are a honey trap for state soldiers, private contractors, mercenaries and fanatics. The global heritage that escapes from destruction, process that takes place because of the lack of education of the combatant troops and in the name of the modern warfare, is facilitating the “swallowing” up of a state, in the global name of the so-called state-supremacy, the common language of Imperialist forces.

Komično u tragičnom: ratni internet memovi u Ukrajini

Author(s): Julija Dragojlović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 87-88/2022

Our research is based on discourse analysis, which takes into account the pragmatic and socio-cultural aspects of how wartime internet memes have evolved over the past six months since the start of the great Russian invasion of Ukraine. The article is designed to first outline the inclusion of humor in the value orientational profile of Ukrainian culture, so the focus of the research is narrowed down to the thematization of the reflections shown in war internet memes, defining their communicative intentions, as well as the characteristics of the comic effect. We use works about postcolonialism and the category of kitsch in Ukrainian culture, communication theory, post folklore in Ukraine, and the problems that are typical for contemporary studies about memes creating. The internet meme genre is presented as a component of the tradition of laughter that developed in the in colonized Ukrainian society and during the post colonial period of independent Ukraine, representing the continuous resistance to politics of destroying the Ukrainian identity and state building idea. Verbal visual memes have a great comic potential that is realized in the picture text relations. Image selection, collage, mimicry of form, metaphorization, grotesque, hyperbole, paradox, oxymoron –everything serve to create simple intertextual “puzzles” that contribute to the virality of memes. The pragmatic dimension of Ukrainian war time internet memes is reflected in the actualization of the following intentions: consolidation of own and separation of the others, protection of the Ukrainian’s right to their own identity, emphasising of the differences and oppositions be tween Ukrainian and Russian values, stereotyping them through the opposition freedom – slavery, showing Ukrainian arm forces as heroes, disparagement and discredit of the enemy, destruction of propaganda myths and fakes, reduction of war related stress and dread.

Ritmovi rata: poezija Katerine Kalitko o rusko-ukrajinskom ratu

Author(s): Olena Romanenko / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 87-88/2022

The article is devoted to the analysis of Kateryna Kalytko’s poetry about the Russian Ukrainian war of the 21st century in the collection “People with verbs”. The ideas of trauma studies and memory studies, as well as the method of slow reading, became the intellectual support of the research. Kateryna Kalytko’s poetry is poems that combine autobiographical motifs and reflections on traumatic events. The lyrical heroine of the collection is the personification of militant femininity, heroism, and courage. She experiences the traumatic experience as a fixation on reality and a search for a new language (instead of the one lost as a result of the trauma). The collection “People with verbs” contains two topos – VALIDITY / LANGUAGE. Thanks to them, a philosophical metaphorical military discourse is formed in poetry. It is expressed through a combination of narrative and philosophical intonations of reflections on reality and interrogative and rhetorical intonations. This gives Kateryna Kalytko’s poetry a special rhythmic and intonation structure: deep, powerful, and intense. This is a poetic experience of trauma and war as a tragic existential event, which can only be overcome thanks to LANGUAGE / WORDS, which have a powerful ethical force. The results of the research can be clarified in the context of trauma studies and memory studies on the material of other works about the Russian Ukrainian war of the 21st century.

Kroz prizmu rata: recepcija bosanskohercegovačke književnosti u Ukrajini 21. veka

Author(s): Alla Tatarenko / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 87-88/2022

Rad je posvećen proučavanju recepcije bosanskohercegovačke književnosti u savremenoj Ukrajini (2012.–2022.), čiju specifičnost vidimo u ratnoj temi kao fokusu interesovanja čitalaca. To nije vezano samo za mesto koje zauzima tema rata u savremenoj književnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, već pre svega za rusko ukrajinski rat koji je počeo 2014. i pretvorio se u rat punih razmera 24. 2. 2022. U radu razmatramo prevodilačku i književno kritičku recepciju, a u analizu takođe uključujemo razgovore sa piscima i prevodiocima kao neposredna autopoetička svedočanstva. Rat u Ukrajini i pogled na druge književnosti kroz njegovu prizmu rodio je posebno interesovanje za književnost Bosne i Hercegovine, koje je počelo prepoznavanjem slične istorije, traume, ratnog iskustva i zajedničkih humanističkih vrednosti. U radu razmatramo osobenosti recepcije dela Miljenka Jergovića, Ozrena Kebe, Meline Kamerić, Faruka Šehića i niza drugih savremenih pisaca, kao i nova, smeštena u nacionalni kontekst, čitanja romana Meše Selimovića Derviš i smrt. Posebno mesto posvećujemo ulozi ukrajinske književnice i prevoditeljice Katerine Kalitko u promociji bosanskohercegovačke književnosti u Ukrajini.

On 21st-Century Poetry and Poetics

Author(s): Andrei Codrescu,Radu Vancu / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

This interview with contemporary poet Andrei Codrescu, conducted over email, examines several contemporary meanings of 21st-century poetry and poetics, the relevance of American poetry schools that dominated the latter half of the 20th century, and effects of the post-humanistic turn on poetic discourse(s). It also asks whether the public condemnation of Russian culture in general is justified or not in the aftermath of the Russian aggression against Ukraine.

SRBIJA I KINA: NERAVNOPRAVNO ALI (IPAK) BLISKO PARTNERSTVO

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 163/2022

RUSIJA I SRBIJA: ZAJEDNO PROTIV LIBERALNIH VREDNOSTI

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 164/2022

Ukraine and Russia, Nation and Empire

Author(s): John R. Lampe / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2022

The current conflict in Ukraine and the troubled course of its relations with Russia since declaring independence in 1991 has encouraged speculation and misinformation about the longer history of their relationship. These two new books by leading historian of Ukrainian and Russian history provide last chapters with informed accounts of relations since 1991. Their primary concerns and the bulk of their books are devoted to the much longer histories and complex relations from the Tsarist centuries through the Soviet period