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The article studies the lexical-semantic field "Greed" in the German and Russian languages. The relevance of the study of the problem of lexical-semantic fields is attributed to the fact that, the field, representing in itself the hierarchical structure of the set of lexical units which are united by a common meaning and reflecting a certain conceptual sphere in the language, allows to establish the diverse aspects of its lexical units, to identify their nationally specific features. The structure of lexical-semantic groups of nouns, adjectives and verbs that make up this lexical-semantic field in both languages is analyzed by means of definitional and componential analyses. The paradigmatic connections between its components are determined and analyzed and on this basis, the general and specific features of the lexical means of verbalization of the studied lexical-semantic field in the German and Russian languages are defined.
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Poems by Adrian Bodnaru from the volume "Verses and other fixed forms": "A", "Doină", "Haiku", from the volume of poems "All rights reserved, inclusive Sweden and Norway", from the volume of poems "The day after tomorrow".
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The subject of the rhetorical analysis are two speeches delivered by Lech Wałęsa and Václav Havel to the joint chambers of the US Congress. The analysis used the classic rhetorical method enriched by a genological and problematological aspect. The comparison of the two speeches gives the opportunity to look at the texts of politicians – two leaders of freedom movements – as representing two national discourses and different visions of cooperation with the USA. The result of the analysis is also an assessment of the oratory qualities of both speeches.
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The topic of this article are the slogans used in seven presidential elections in Poland between 1990 and 2020. 143 slogans were collected, sixteen of which promoted winning candidates. The analysis was focused on the topoi used by the candidates who won the election. The most popular was: Poland (Polska), community (wspólnota), future (przyszłość), president (prezydent), strength/power (siła). Three of them (Poland, community, president) are also the most popular topoi in the whole sample. They were analysed and compared with the list of Polish „banner words”. As shown in the slogans of the winning candidates, the president in Poland is the icon of national community, the person who unites the nation and promises a better future for the Poles, rather than a leader or manager, as quite often in American presidential elections (where words like leader and leadership are popular in slogans).
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Contemporary political communication uses – not much more often, but more intentionally – visual means of expression. Research into the construction of visual messages and their meanings in electoral campaigns already has its tradition. Less frequently – albeit on the occasion of the social manifestations of the two decades of the 21st century – the subject of research becomes the counter-hegemonic construction of the symbolism of protest. As it is the voice of the minority, the relevant theoretical framework for the analysis is constituted by approaches situated in the critical paradigm. Artists designing logotypes for protesters, arranging various events in the public space see their art also as critical art. The presented analysis concerns the ways of demonstrating political contestation or opposition in Poland and the Czech Republic. What is interesting from our point of view is the very use of the visual message, the use of attractive symbolism involving the media to disseminate the message. The use of a gadget (an object, a flower, an item of clothing, a monument, etc.), wall inscriptions or paintings, organised performances and more or less spontaneous demonstrations do not exhaust the forms of contestation. They are very diverse in themselves. The authors aim to show the similarities and differences between Polish and Czech visual messages.
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Today’s democratic systems face several challenges and problems, many of which are based on current societal sentiments. Although Western societies may enjoy life in prosperity, many of their citizens are dissatisfied because they live in insecurity, or even in fear for their life situation in the years to come. The established parties are unable to respond effectively, and these citizens are forced to look for political alternatives elsewhere. Populist parties, on the other hand, are able to work effectively with fear, thanks to which populism has been on the rise both across all Europe and the USA. Although populism generally appears in the communication of parties at both ends of the one-dimensional right-left political spectrum, in most cases it is associated with extreme right-wing parties. A key element in the success of populist parties is their communication strategy while social networks have become an ideal platform for populist political communication. The social networks provided populist politicians with the opportunity to connect more closely and inexpensively with the people, including the “new” generation of citizens, which has already grown up with social networks. The chapter focuses in more detail on the Czech party system, in which this area was occupied by the Freedom and Direct Democracy party, led by Tomio Okamura. Thus, the main objective of the chapter is to analyse the political communication of the party and of Tomio Okamura, especially the content and form.
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This article analyses the communication of the Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) party on Facebook before the 2019 European Parliament elections. In the context of the framing theory, a total of 442 contributions to the social network Facebook which were published in the period of three months before the elections to the European Parliament (from 23 February 2019 to 24 May 2019) are examined. Special attention is paid to communication and the framing of the topic of migration by the SPD, the analysis of selected frames, and analysis of the manipulation techniques used by the party in its political communication. While the SPD was more active on Facebook before the elections to the European Parliament in 2019 than before the elections to the Chamber of Deputies in 2017, the activity of its supporters on the social network was significantly lower. The use of the mobilisation potential of migration as a topic and the deployment of lies and manipulation techniques, which in a communicated form contribute to the radicalisation and maintenance of support among SPD supporters on Facebook, did not help either.
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The subject of the analysis are the activities of Prime Ministers Morawiecki and Babiš on Twitter during the 2019 European elections. The aim of the analysis is, on the one hand, to find out whether politicians use image attributional treatments and, if so, how they do it, what is the leitmotif of such a message. The analysis is intended to help answer the question about the purpose of such treatments: why politicians use „politics without politics” and how these actions affect the course and dynamics of the election campaign.
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The aim of the paper is to reconstruct discursive strategies of the Polish right-wing party Confederation Liberty and Independence on the basis of the tracks recorded by its politicians for a charity event called Hot16Challenge. The approach used in the paper was the Discourse-Historical Approach. In the tracks, Confederation clearly indicates its enemies – other politicians and supporters of socialism. The politicians of the party market themselves as defenders of values and competent professionals. Discursive strategies of the party are similar to the strategies of other contemporary European far-right parties.
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There is no pandemic without politics. When the coronavirus becomes a problem of a given country, politics starts to drastically influence the privacy of the citizens, which is reflected in the content created by the Internet users. I decided to analyse the memes referring to coronavirus which were shared on popular, comparable Facebook meme groups in Poland and the Czech Republic in order to see how the political discourses concerning the pandemic –introducing restrictions, the state narration about the pandemic, or the role of the politicians in the crisis situation – are reflected in the popular culture of the Internet. The period analysed was the time just before announcing the beginning of the pandemic and the first months of it: in that period the danger of infection with the coronavirus in Poland and the Czech Republic was relatively small, and so the major part of the discourse devoted to the illness was shaped by political decisions. The analysis has shown that the Czech society bore the beginning of the pandemic much worse than the Poles, as the Czechs produced more coronavirus Internet memes and focused heavily on the issues of politics and their own country. In both countries, the pandemic was associated mostly with the prime minister and the minister of health, and in the Czech Republic also with the minister of the interior. Although different aspects of life under the pandemic, such as hygiene or working from home, in both countries were popular to a similar extent, some important differences appeared; for example, panic buying was significantly more important for the Czechs and the ban on gatherings for the Poles. Both Polish and Czech internet users used their known cultural codes to tame the pandemic; these codes differed and showed the properties of both cultures, e.g. the Christian character of the Polish culture. The pandemic circumstances were also adapted into several, specific for both cultures, genres of memes. At the end of the article, I am considering the therapeutical aspect of the Internet memes and I turn to the conception of popular political discourse, diluted in order to reduce the level of trauma caused by the enduring crisis situation.
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The article shows the most popular eponyms present in contemporary political discourse. It aims to determine how they are created and what their function is. Increasingly often the sources of eponyms and derivatives of proper names are not only surnames, which have been used as the basis for eponyms of a political character before (e.g. Kuroniówka). These are also names (e.g. klaudymy, mateuszki) and acronyms (e.g. pisiewicze, platfusy), as well as city names (e.g. smoleńszczaki). For the language of politics it is also characteristic to create words derived from names, including verbs (e.g. gowinować). The material is extracted from various sources, recording or containing the lexis of political discourse, in particular texts from the press and Internet sources.
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In the current public and political discourse, various devaluation behaviours are often verbalized in communication interaction, the aim of which is to stigmatize the opponent, to ridicule him or to exclude him. The most common type of this verbalization are various labels. Labels can have the form of nicknames, which characterize persons according to their occupation, features, origin, or they can be also created by changing first names and surnames (Krnda, Mluvčáček, Pitomio). We also encounter derivatives from proper names (havlista, klausoid, zemaniak), which most often refer to the followers of prominent figures in public life. A large group of labels then consists of derivatives from common names, which often contain negative or highly negative (hateful) evaluations (dobrotrus, pravdoláskař, sluníčkář, pražská kavárna). Within the theoretical reflection of this linguistic behaviour, contemporary linguistics can use the originally sociological theory of labelling, possibly interpret these phenomena as manifestations of a specific discursive strategy based on eristic dialectics (argumentum ad hominem, ad personam, ad populum), and violation of the cooperative principle and politeness principle in communication. The paper is based on the analysis of the Czech language material.
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The topic of the article is the comparison of selected aspects of contemporary Czech and Polish political language concerning naming. The analysed units come from social networks – Facebook and Twitter – from posts of selected politicians published between January 2019 and December 2020. The material was divided into five groups relating to: nicknames of politicians and public figures, names denoting political affiliation, names related to the European Union, the media and the opposition ‘us’ and ‘them’. The aim of the comparative analysis of the word-formation patterns used by the two languages is to indicate the similarities and differences between them.
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The democratic changes in Poland in 1989 marked the beginning of fair competition between political parties, and thus the emergence of the previously absent language of advertising in Polish politics. On this ground, the former monopolist – the communist Polish United Workers’ Party, and its heir, the Democratic Left Alliance consisting of the minor post-communist and newly formed parties, had to find their own place. The article describes how in the linguistic field it was possible to make such credible changes from the Newspeak straight from the communist times of the Polish People’s Republic to the modern campaign language (a manifestation of which is still considered one of the best election slogans: „Your heart is on the left side”) that the victory for post-communist formations was possible in the parliamentary elections already in 1993, and made them credible as an equal player on the Polish political scene.
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The article presents the images of Mateusz Morawiecki and Andrej Babiš on the example of selected media: the Czech portal iDnes (iDNES.cz) and the Polish newspaper Rzeczpospolita rp.pl. The aim of the analysis was to show how the Polish Prime Minister is presented in the Czech Republic and the Czech Prime Minister in Poland. The created corpus of texts was analysed on the basis of assumptions concerning image building and presentation of leadership competences. The article identifies key similarities and differences in the portrayal of these figures by selected media in the context of the Covid-19 crisis (from March to October 2020). Based on the assumptions made and the use of quantitative and qualitative content analysis, the authors examined what image of politicians is created by selected media in a crisis situation. The differences and similarities between the presence of Prime Minister Babiš in the Polish media and Prime Minister Morawiecki in the Czech media are an exemplification of an interesting trend in the Polish-Czech relations. The way both prime ministers are portrayed allows us to make preliminary conclusions about the mutual perception of the neighbouring country and its authorities.
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The aim of the text is a comparative analysis of selected elements of the strategy of communicating with voters and building the image of two politicians – Andrzej Duda and Miloš Zeman. The subject of the analysis will be two winning election campaigns – the presidential campaign of Miloš Zeman in 2018 and the presidential campaign of Andrzej Duda in 2020 – in which both presidents fought for re-election. The presented analysis will, firstly, show the uniqueness of both campaigns, and secondly, it will allow to answer the question of whether the set of means of communication already known to voters was used, or whether unusual conditions were the reason for the emergence of new forms of contact.
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Paremias are phraseological units (PUs) that constitute speech acts in their own right. With the help of examples taken from contemporary Spanish novels translated into Bulgarian, we demonstrate that, just like other phraseological units, paremias have variations and different connotations that sometimes require the translator to consider different possibilities in order for the paremia to fit in the context.
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Thе paper investigates the terms in Regulation (EU) 2017/746 in three language versions: Bulgarian, Polish, and English, as a representative case of the Public health terminology in European Union law. The source and the outer form of the terms are being compared. All Slavic terms in the Regulation are calques, whereby phraseological calques and loan blends are most frequent. The main difference between the grammatical structures of the terms in the compared languages is due to conversion as a typical morphological operation in English. The dominant structural type in all three languages is multi-component terms, with the prevalence of two-component terms.
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Periodization is a method of categorizing systematically the processes in a given field with regard to its historical past. The central issue that emerges here is how to approach the task so as to bring to the fore those phenomena that delineate one period from another. This text outlines the various visions of eminent Czech scholars who have aimed to charter the periodization of Czech literary language.
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