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Search results for: Ústav mezinárodních vztahů POLICY PAPERS in Series Title

Result 1-20 of 81
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A looming crisis of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Force Treaty: Sources and consequences

A looming crisis of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Force Treaty: Sources and consequences

Author(s): Yury Fedorov / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2015

Russia’s violation of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Force Treaty (INF) confirms that Moscow sees nuclear weapons as a robust tool preventing NATO from militarily opposing the Russian military expansion in the strategic rim stretching from the Baltic to the Black Sea. If Russia adds intermediate-range missiles to its armory the INF Treaty will collapse, thus challenging the USA and NATO with a dilemma: they could either to be reconciled with Russia’s growing military threat to Europe, or neutralize this threat by stationing American nuclear missiles near Russian borders. The countries of Central-Eastern Europe have to support deployment of new US nuclear weapons in Europe since it could be the only way to prevent a dangerous deterioration of the security landscape in the region.

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ABM Defense & Prospects of a New Russia-US “Reset”

ABM Defense & Prospects of a New Russia-US “Reset”

Author(s): Yury E. Fedorov / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2013

The Obama administration recently suggested concluding a legally binding agreement on transparency that would confirm that American BMD does not pose a threat to Russia’s deterrence forces, and also concluding a framework agreement on further cutting Russian and American nuclear arsenals. The USA may be interested in reducing the tensions with Russia over the missile defense with a view to break the deadlock on a wide complex of hard security and proliferation issues, including the hot problems of nonstrategic nuclear weapons in Europe and Iran and the North Korean nuclear programs, and also to ensure Russia’s support in managing regional crises – these days, especially that in Syria. Moscow probably agrees that it should negotiate a legally binding agreement on transparency and confidence building measures with the USA. At the same time Russia continues in asking for legally binding guarantees that the US BMD is not aimed against its strategic forces as the sine qua none of any other talks and agreements on nuclear weapons with the US. The Kremlin also may propose some trilateral consultations between the USA, Russia, and Europe on BMD with a view to involve some European circles that are skeptical about the missile defense in the debate. In a wider geopolitical context, Russia’s policy towards the BMD issue results from Moscow’s perception of the US quest for a compromise on strategic problems as a weakness. The US quest for a compromise may and most probably is used by Moscow to question the reliability of the American alliance obligations. It cannot be ruled out that there are plans for a certain “big deal” between the two countries, at the possibility of which Moscow hints. In the context of this deal, Russia would consent to new negotiations on further reductions of strategic nuclear weapons in exchange for the USA consenting to limit its non-nuclear strategic systems, take into account the conventional arms in Europe, limit the US naval activity in the seas around Europe and accept future Russian proposals on European security aimed at enfeebling NATO.

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Afghánská výzva

Afghánská výzva

Author(s): Jan Eichler / Language(s): Czech / Publication Year: 2007

Vrcholná schůzka NATO, kterou v listopadu roku 2006 hostila Riga, zdůraznila, že „podstatnou prioritou“ Aliance pro nejbližší léta je přispět k míru a stabilitě v Afghánistánu a vytvořit tam stabilní, demokratickou a prosperující zemi zbavenou drog, terorismu a strachu. Proto se předpokládá výrazné navýšení nevojenské pomoci Afghánistánu a nedílně s tím se klade velký důraz na zkvalitnění činnosti spojeneckých vojáků, kteří v Afghánistánu působí v rámci ISAF pod mandátem RB OSN. Mise ISAF ale bude velmi náročná a často i nebezpečná pro všechny nasazené, pro vojáky, pro civilní odborníky a nakonec i pro nejvyšší činitele NATO. Všichni účastníci budou muset v prvé řadě překonávat řadu velice nepříznivých skutečností, jimiž jsou zejména odlehlost Afghánistánu, mimořádně náročné přírodní podmínky, velmi specifická mentalita tamního obyvatelstva a v neposlední řadě i agresivní a nanejvýš záludné postupy protikoaličních bojovníků. Teprve po jejich zvládnutí bude možné naplňovat pozitivní úkoly mise, které jsou zaměřeny na obnovu a rozvoj a jejichž naplnění by mělo obrovský význam nejen pro Afghánistán, ale i pro celý islámský svět.

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Can the European Public Block the Enlargement to the Western Balkans?

Can the European Public Block the Enlargement to the Western Balkans?

Author(s): Anes Makul / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2014

The EU enlargement has been questioned since the first enlargement round. Also, since the start of the global economic crisis, public support to further enlargement decreased significantly. Whether a turnaround in this trend will occur depends on whether there will be changes in several main dimensions. The EU and its member states, as well as the candidate and potential candidate states, need to improve their economic performances and provide opportunities and perspective to their younger generations. The political and economic performance of the newest member states, Bulgaria, Romania, and Croatia, is a significant indicator that can shape the public opinion on further enlargement. The candidate and potential candidate states should be further encouraged and supported in their fulfilling of the accession criteria. The EU institutions and national governments should develop policies to explain to citizens the implications of further enlargement.

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Co dělat s Evropskou ústavní smlouvou?

Co dělat s Evropskou ústavní smlouvou?

Author(s): Petr Drulák,Jan Karlas / Language(s): Czech / Publication Year: 2007

Když občané Francie a Nizozemska odmítli Evropskou ústavní smlouvy, nejvyšší představitele států EU vyzvali k reflexi, která by měla přinést návrhy týkající se dalšího osudu tohoto dokumentu. Čeští politici tuto výzvu pochopili tak, že ústavní smlouva mizí z politické agendy a že se jí proto už nemusí zabývat. Opak je pravdou. ČR musí záhy k této otázce zaujmout jasnou pozici. Dlouhodobě platí, že řada členských států EU má zájem na institucionální reformě. Ač ústavní smlouva je v současné podobě mrtvá, její text představuje východisko pro další diskuse o institucionální reformě. Bezprostřední impuls této diskusi dávají začínající německé předsednictví EU a nadcházející prezidentské volby ve Francii.

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Continuity and Change in the U.S. Foreign and Security Policy with the Accession of President Obama

Continuity and Change in the U.S. Foreign and Security Policy with the Accession of President Obama

Author(s): Nik Hynek / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2009

The question of continuity and change in the U.S. Foreign/Security Policy (henceforth USFSP) after the accession of President Obama can be constructively studied from two complementary perspectives: the thematic perspective and the procedural perspective. This method determines the structure of this analysis. In the beginning, key issues of the USFSP in the context of the change of the American administration are examined. A part of the discussion of the transition from the Republican administration of George W. Bush to the Democratic administration of Barack Obama will be an attempt to follow the continuity and change in the key issues of the USFSP and the change in the prioritization of issues. For a comparison of the approaches of Bush and Obama, one needs to approach the topic indirectly due to the fact that Obama’s presidency is still in its early stages, which means that we still cannot completely evaluate the USFSP under the current American president. It is precisely the fact that it is impossible to compare eight years of the government of George W. Bush with approximately seven months of the Obama government that is the cause of the indirect approach of this evaluation. It will be based on a combination of extrapolation from existing but still scattered early signals and defining what can be regarded a success when considering the goals of the primary issues of the USFSP on the basis of Obama’s publically known positions. Subsequently, an evaluation of the preferred procedural means of reaching the set goals in the framework of the central issues of the USFSP will tie into the perspective related to changes in thematic priorities. The main finding of the first part will be that even though Obama is seen as the president who put an end to several trends that were introduced by Bush, such a conclusion must necessarily be rejected as reductive or even misleading. In contrast to this, in the second part, the analysis will point out several shifts associated with the change of the administration.

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Contrasting Approaches to the Crisis: New Threats and Opportunities within and beyond the EU

Contrasting Approaches to the Crisis: New Threats and Opportunities within and beyond the EU

Author(s): Ondrej Horký / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2009

In early July, the second conference of the Czech-French Europe Dialogue series took place in Prague. Six Czech and French economists and political scientists met to discuss the impacts of and the responses to the ongoing global financial and economic crisis. The participants highlighted the following points: • Despite the global effects of the crisis, governments’ responses originated at the national level and did not lead to institutional changes at the international level. While the financial sector requires selective regulation, there is not enough will to strengthen the governance of the global economy. • The crisis has affected EU member states in different ways. Moreover, its perception and the measures undertaken vary among nations according to their historical experience. The neoliberal vogue in the mainstream discourse has ended and the continental economic models were rehabilitated. The crisis gives us an opportunity to find a European consensus on the balance between the importance of market incentives and institutional regulation. • National measures to mitigate the adverse social impacts of the crisis have suspended the Stability and Growth Pact and substantially increased the current public debt. Its repayment may take as long as two decades and it presents a major challenge for the social and intergenerational solidarity in the EU. • The declining dominance of the United States in the global economy and the new democratic administration present an opportunity to foster transatlantic relations. The EU should unite its voice to promoting necessary reforms of the international monetary system and finding new ways of financing the economic growth in order to overcome the growing imbalance between developed and emerging markets.

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Czech Strategic Partnerships: A Practice in Need of a Vision

Czech Strategic Partnerships: A Practice in Need of a Vision

Author(s): Michal Šimecka,Benjamin Tallis / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2016

The concept of a strategic partnership is gaining prominence in Czech diplomatic practice, but its meaning and implications remain inadequately understood. The policy paper seeks to redress the situation by unpacking the concept and building a framework for understanding strategic partnerships in the Czech context. It argues that while it is not necessary to construct a rigorous definition, more coherence and clarity is needed for strategic partnerships to serve as a meaningful instrument of Czech foreign policy

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Czech-German Relations: A Dialogue in Place of Strategy, in Hope of Strategy and in Need of Strategy

Czech-German Relations: A Dialogue in Place of Strategy, in Hope of Strategy and in Need of Strategy

Author(s): Benjamin Tallis / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2016

The Czech-German Strategic Dialogue has been hailed as a significant upgrading of relations between the two countries. However, while it holds great potential, the dialogue mainly covers practical or tactical cooperation and is currently lacking in real strategic content. This deficit reflects a wider lack of strategic convergence between the partners and requires political, rather than bureaucratic action to address it. Doing so will require a larger shift in foreign policy thinking and action, particularly on the Czech side.

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Dilemata rozvojové politiky

Dilemata rozvojové politiky

Author(s): Ondrej Horký / Language(s): Czech / Publication Year: 2005

Dne 8. listopadu 2005 se konala v Praze konference „Mezi pragmatismem a ideály. Jakou úlohu mají normy při formulaci zahraniční politiky?“. Její třetí a poslední blok „Dilemata rozvojové politiky“ byl věnován zkušenostem tří velkých dárců: Německu, Kanadě a Evropské unii. Panelu, kterému předsedal náměstek ministra zahraničních věcí České republiky Tomáš Pojar, se zúčastnili Günther Mainhold ze Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik v Berlině, Yiaqadeesen Samy z Norman Paterson School of International Affairs v Ottawě a Geert Laporte z European Centre for Development Policy Management v Maastrichtu. Příspěvky diskutoval Petr Halaxa, bývalý vedoucí Rozvojového střediska Ústavu mezinárodních vztahů. Na základě rozporů či problémů, se kterými se jednotliví poskytovatelé rozvojové pomoci setkávají, zde formulujeme obecná dilemata rozvojové politiky. Ve srovnání se současnou vládní politikou zahraniční rozvojové spolupráce vyvodíme doporučení pro „znovuvynořujícího se dárce“, kterým je Česká republika.*

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Egypt, a future gas supplier to the European Union?

Egypt, a future gas supplier to the European Union?

Author(s): Jan Mazac,Lukáš Tichý / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2018

The main objective of the external dimension of the EU energy policy in line with the Energy Union strategy is primarily to ensure energy security by diversifying external energy supplies, transport routes and suppliers, mainly in the gas domain. Egypt’s recent offshore and onshore gas discoveries increased its natural gas reserves estimate. Its natural gas production is thus expected to double in 2020 and transform the country back into a gas supplier in the eastern Mediterranean region. The European Union (EU) should thus strengthen its relations with Egypt to allow its gas production to reach European markets.

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Energetická politika USA a význam dodávek zkapalněného zemního plynu do EU

Energetická politika USA a význam dodávek zkapalněného zemního plynu do EU

Author(s): Lukáš Tichý,Jan Mazac / Language(s): Czech / Publication Year: 2017

Nové metody těžby ropy a plynu z břidlic a velké zásoby těchto komodit v USA způsobily revoluci v americké energetické bezpečnosti. Ve spotřebě plynu jsou USA v současnosti plně nezávislé. V oblasti ropy se podíl importu v poslední dekádě výrazně snížil. Dodávky amerického zkapalněného plynu (LNG) z břidlic by měly přispět k posílení energetické bezpečnosti EU a snížení její závislosti na Rusku. Nemůžou ovšem zcela nahradit ruský plyn. Spojené státy by měly navyšovat svou exportní kapacitu a zároveň podporovat budování potřebné infrastruktury u svých odběratelů v zámoří. Evropská unie by měla dokončit plně liberalizovaný a vzájemně propojený trh s plynem, aby mohla efektivněji přijímat a využívat americký LNG.

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Energetické vztahy EU a Írán: příležitosti a překážky pro dodávky zemního plynu

Energetické vztahy EU a Írán: příležitosti a překážky pro dodávky zemního plynu

Author(s): Lukáš Tichý / Language(s): Czech / Publication Year: 2016

Írán s největšími zásobami zemního plynu na světě představuje alternativního dodavatele plynu do zemí EU, která je jedním z největších spotřebitelů energie. Pro export plynu z Íránu do EU pomocí plynovodů či ve formě LNG zatím existují překážky technického, ekonomického, energetického, politického, regionálního a bezpečnostního charakteru. Po roce 2025 by pak Írán do zemí EU, včetně ČR, mohl postupně dodávat desítky miliard metrů krychlových plynu pomocí tankerů ve formě LNG. Evropská unie by si měla vymezit svoje priority energetické strategie pro dodávky plynu a posílit v tomto směru energetické vztahy s Íránem. Podobně ČR a země V4 by měly usilovat o zlepšení energetické spolupráce s Íránem.

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Energetika jako nástroj teroristických organizací v oblasti MENA, dopady pro EU a ČR

Energetika jako nástroj teroristických organizací v oblasti MENA, dopady pro EU a ČR

Author(s): Lukáš Tichý,Nikita Odintsov / Language(s): Czech / Publication Year: 2016

Energetika jako nástroj vyhrožování či útoky na energetický sektor představují důležitou součást strategie militantních a teroristických organizací či hnutí v oblasti MENA. Do budoucna nelze vyloučit útoky na energetický sektor v Evropě, kde by dopady záležely na rozsahu škody. Útoky proti energetickému sektoru v oblasti MENA mají však implikace zejména na postižený stát a dopad na energetickou bezpečnost EU je spíše minimální. Česká republika společně se státy V4 by měla na půdě EU prosazovat opatření k posílení bezpečnosti unijního energetického sektoru a přepravní infrastruktury. Zároveň by EU měla podpořit opatření k zabezpečení energetické infrastruktury postižených zemí v oblasti MENA.

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Ensuring the Stability of Central Asia after the 2014 Withdrawal from Afghanistan

Ensuring the Stability of Central Asia after the 2014 Withdrawal from Afghanistan

Author(s): Nikita Odintsov / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2014

The prospects of stability in Central Asia after the 2014 withdrawal will be influenced by the developments in Afghanistan. Yet the overall fragility of the states in the region necessitates taking preventive measures. The previous strategies of the terrorist groups in the region allow us to identify a few focal points of strategic importance which must be protected. To achieve this, it is necessary to use private military companies and return Russian border guards to Tajikistan. Also, the Collective Security Treaty Organization must prepare for possible massive security and refugee crises. The implementation of state social policies can be outsourced to NGOs, which shall refrain from any political activity.

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European Strategic Autonomy: Distant but Irresistible

European Strategic Autonomy: Distant but Irresistible

Author(s): Michal Šimecka / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2014

Under pressure from overlapping crises, the European Union is embracing a more assertive role in security. The election of Donald Trump has added a further sense of urgency and purpose to EU defense cooperation. The pursuit of European strategic autonomy is not just a matter of upgrading capabilities, building institutions, or re-calibrating EU–NATO cooperation. It is also a struggle to re-invent the EU’s identity. The Czech Republic emerged as a supporter of the new dynamic, but Prague should do more to back its rhetorical support with tangible commitments and policy leadership.

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European Strategic Autonomy: Distant but Irresistible

European Strategic Autonomy: Distant but Irresistible

Author(s): Michal Šimecka / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2016

Under pressure from overlapping crises, the European Union is embracing a more assertive role in security. The election of Donald Trump has added a further sense of urgency and purpose to EU defense cooperation. The pursuit of European strategic autonomy is not just a matter of upgrading capabilities, building institutions, or re-calibrating EU–NATO cooperation. It is also a struggle to re-invent the EU’s identity. The Czech Republic emerged as a supporter of the new dynamic, but Prague should do more to back its rhetorical support with tangible commitments and policy leadership.

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Evaluating the Multilateral Framework of the Eastern Partnership

Evaluating the Multilateral Framework of the Eastern Partnership

Author(s): Petr Kratochvíl / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2010

While the Eastern Partnership (EaP) only deepens the bilateral relations of the EU with its Eastern neighbors, its main contribution is the new multilateral framework designed exclusively for the ENP´s Eastern dimension. • It is the EU who has been enthusiastic about the multilateral approach. The partner countries are more restrained, citing two factors for their skepticism: (1) the fear that the EaP might gradually become an alternative arrangement to full membership and (2) the worry that multilateralism could decrease the so far prevalent country‐specific differentiation and thus slow down the quickest reformers. • The EaP´s multilateral framework has several major strengths: (1) the relatively simple and flexible “operational structure”, (2) the focus on regulatory reforms, (3) the introduction of the so‐called flagship initiatives, and (4) the increased involvement of civil society. • Among the potential problems, the most important are: (1) the launch of the EaP amidst growing political and economic instability across Eastern Europe, and (2) the financial resources which will not be sufficient in the long term given the ambitious work programme. • Regarding the four thematic platforms, they cover most issues on the agenda. But while some topics discussed are truly multilateral (e.g. energy cooperation), others are predominantly bilateral and their inclusion in the multilateral framework is largely artificial (e.g. judiciary and public administration reforms). • Some of the platforms with a strong agenda (such as energy security) are growing softer, hence limiting their relevance for both member and partner countries. • The flagship initiatives, although generally sound and beneficial, are not of equal standing in terms of their importance (cf. the integrated border management and the support for small enterprises on the one hand, and the underfinanced reponsiveness to disasters on the other). In addition, one important originally proposed initiative – the Southern Corridor – entirely disappeared from the agenda. • Two additional unresolved questions pertain respectively to the EaP´s relation to the other regional initiatives (BSS) and the participation of third countries. • The EaP has been doing well so far. Its long term success will be, however, dependent on four factors: (1) the continuous high‐level political support for the project in both the EU and the partner countries, (2) whether there will be an unwavering focus on regulatory reforms that will prevent the EaP´s multilateral framework from turning into an irrelevant talking club, (3) achievement of some visible successes in areas like energy security, border management or institution building (CIB), (4) the increase in funding available for the EaP after 2013.

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Evropská bezpečnostní strategie (ESS 2003) a její srovnání se strategickou koncepcí NATO (1999) a National Security Strategy USA (NSS 2002)

Evropská bezpečnostní strategie (ESS 2003) a její srovnání se strategickou koncepcí NATO (1999) a National Security Strategy USA (NSS 2002)

Author(s): Jan Eichler / Language(s): Czech / Publication Year: 2008

Strategická koncepce NATO 1999 byla napsána ještě před 11. 9. 2001 a vůbec se nezabývala konkrétními možnostmi nasazení ozbrojených cil NATO. • NSS 2002 byla napsána pod vlivem teroristických úderů ze dne 11. 9. 2001, a proto položila hlavní důraz na vojenské svrhávání režimů podporujících terorismus, na další upevňování vojenské síly USA, na unilateralismus při posuzování bezpečnostních hrozeb a na preemptivní údery. • Evropská unie je ve vojenské rovině podstatně slabší než USA, a proto si nemůže klást srovnatelné cíle, její bezpečnostněpolitické ambice jsou mnohem skromnější. • ESS 2003 vytyčila tři dlouhodobé cíle, jimiž se implicitně distancovala od postupu Bushovy administrativy. Přesto však EU nadále zůstává strategickým spojencem USA. Má stejné priority, ale odlišné způsoby jejich dosahování. • Česká republika by se v během svého předsednictví měla angažovat v zájmu rozšiřování a prohlubování bezpečnostní a obranné spolupráce mezi NATO a EU. • V rámci EU by se ČR měla orientovat především na tzv. euroatlantický proud a vyjadřovat se k důležitým námětům a ovlivňovat proces aktualizace ESS. • Česká republika by měla všestranně podporovat další rozvoj civilní dimenze ESDP, včetně naplňování CHG 2010. • V rámci EDA by ČR měla usilovat o co nejrozsáhlejší zapojení malých a středních podniků českého zbrojního průmyslu.

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Evropská integrace a demokracie: shoda o demokratickém deficitu a spory o jeho nevyhnutelnosti

Evropská integrace a demokracie: shoda o demokratickém deficitu a spory o jeho nevyhnutelnosti

Author(s): Jan Karlas / Language(s): Czech / Publication Year: 2005

Dne 3. listopadu 2005 se v Brně uskutečnila poslední konference cyklu „Evropská integrace a evropská veřejnost“ nazvaná „Evropská integrace a demokracie – rozhodovací proces a veřejná kontrola“. Společným rysem všech pohledů, které se na konferenci objevily, byla shoda o tom, že politický systém Evropské unie (EU) se z hlediska demokracie vyznačuje určitými nedostatky. Konference tak potvrdila názor převládající v probíhajících diskusích o stavu demokracie v EU, podle kterého se EU vyznačuje tzv. demokratickým deficitem. Protože různí kritikové demokratického deficitu EU často kladou důraz na odlišné roviny politického systému EU, snažíme se v tomto shrnutí o syntetický přístup, který věnuje pozornost všem zdůrazňovaným rovinám politického systému EU a tedy všem hlavním prvkům demokratického deficitu EU.

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